Suchergebnisse

Tras un prolongado y complejo proceso de ocupación y colonización, el señorío de Tarragona se articuló como un singular condominio en el que los dos principales poderes de la Corona de Aragón (los condes-reyes y los arzobispos de la antigua ciudad imperial) ejercieron la jurisdicción de forma conjunta. La inicial relación de cooperación entre monarcas y prelados en la cúspide del señorío pronto dejó paso a las primeras tensiones y confrontaciones, que fueron agravándose o disminuyendo de intensidad según cada coyuntura, en función de los intentos por acabar con la dualidad de poderes y convertir el dominio en patrimonio exclusivo de cada una de las partes en litigio, las cuales van a utilizar los diversos medios a su alcance para lograr tal objetivo

ESPAÑOL: Si bien es cierto que la historia del pensamiento político del Occidente medieval ha centrado la atención de un nutrido elenco de estudiosos, siguen siendo muchos los aspectos que quedan todavía por explorar y en los que es conveniente seguir profundizando a partir de nuevas reflexiones y perspectivas. Toda nueva aportación en este sentido debe ser celebrada y con más razón si llega de la mano de prestigiosos estudiosos con una sólida formación especializada en la materia, como son Roberto Lambertini, Mario Conetti y Gianluca Briguglia, cuyas obras más recientes nos disponemos a reseñar críticamente a lo largo de las próximas páginas. / ENGLISH: While it is true that the history of political thought in the medieval West has caught the attention of an extensive list of scholars, there are many aspects that still remain uncharted. It is into those issues that we should continue to delve in order to increase our understanding by drawing from new reflections and viewpoints. In this sense, any fresh contributions are commendable, even more so if these come from accomplished and acclaimed academics who have undertaken specialised training on the matter, as it is the case with Roberto Lambertini, Mario Conetti and Gianluca Briguglia, whose most recent works will be critically reviewed in the pages that follow.

While it is true that the history of political thought in the medieval West has caught the attention of an extensive list of scholars, there are many aspects that still remain uncharted. It is into those issues that we should continue to delve in order to increase our understanding by drawing from new reflections and viewpoints. In this sense, any fresh contributions are commendable, even more so if these come from accomplished and acclaimed academics who have undertaken specialised training on the matter, as it is the case with Roberto Lambertini, Mario Conetti and Gianluca Briguglia, whose most recent works will be critically reviewed in the pages that follow. ; Si bien es cierto que la historia del pensamiento político del Occidente medieval ha centrado la atención de un nutrido elenco de estudiosos, siguen siendo muchos los aspectos que quedan todavía por explorar y en los que es conveniente seguir profundizando a partir de nuevas reflexiones y perspectivas. Toda nueva aportación en este sentido debe ser celebrada y con más razón si llega de la mano de prestigiosos estudiosos con una sólida formación especializada en la materia, como son Roberto Lambertini, Mario Conetti y Gianluca Briguglia, cuyas obras más recientes nos disponemos a reseñar críticamente a lo largo de las próximas páginas. ; Si bien es cierto que la historia del pensamiento político del Occidente medieval ha centrado la atención de un nutrido elenco de estudiosos, siguen siendo muchos los aspectos que quedan todavía por explorar y en los que es conveniente seguir profundizando a partir de nuevas reflexiones y perspectivas. Toda nueva aportación en este sentido debe ser celebrada y con más razón si llega de la mano de prestigiosos estudiosos con una sólida formación especializada en la materia, como son Roberto Lambertini, Mario Conetti y Gianluca Briguglia, cuyas obras más recientes nos disponemos a reseñar críticamente a lo largo de las próximas páginas.

This article explores the effects of different individual level factors on the vote to eight nationalist parties in Belgium, Britain & Spain. Specifically, we check whether the two variables associated to the ethnoregionalist category, that is ethnic identities & claims for regional self-government, are the main factors explaining electoral mobilization for the eight parties. Our analysis also considers other explanations from the literature on nationalism as control variables: these are social stratification factors, religion, ideology, & a protest vote. Empirical results are contrasted at two levels: regional & general elections. The results of our analysis allow us to suggest a characterization, based upon the ethnoregionalist category, of the eight nationalist parties considered. Finally, we also explore possible reasons behind different types of mobilization. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

Does trust in national institutions foster or hinder trust in the institutions of the European Union (EU)? There is no agreement in the literature on popular support for the EU about the direction of the relationship between trust in national and European institutions. Some scholars argue that both will be positively related, others have proposed the opposite hypothesis: low levels of trust in national institutions will lead citizens to higher levels of support for the EU. We argue that both hypotheses are true but operate at different levels: whereas more trusting citizens tend to be so in both the national and the European arenas, we also find that at the country level the relationship is negative: living in a country with highly trusted and well-performing institutions hinders trust in the European Parliament. We test our hypotheses using data from the European Social Survey and Hierarchical Linear Modeling.

Does trust in national institutions foster or hinder trust in the institutions of the European Union (EU)? There is no agreement in the literature on popular support for the EU about the direction of the relationship between trust in national and European institutions. Some scholars argue that both will be positively related, others have proposed the opposite hypothesis: low levels of trust in national institutions will lead citizens to higher levels of support for the EU. We argue that both hypotheses are true but operate at different levels: whereas more trusting citizens tend to be so in both the national and the European arenas, we also find that at the country level the relationship is negative: living in a country with highly trusted and well-performing institutions hinders trust in the European Parliament. We test our hypotheses using data from the European Social Survey and Hierarchical Linear Modeling. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]