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AbstractThis article puts forward that the European Green Deal (EGD) is more than just another initiative for green growth. Instead, it adds a building block to the European economic model, alongside the single market and economic and monetary union. The pandemic crisis would therefore need to be addressed also through the EGD framework. We find that the Covid‐19 crisis provided a missing link between the EGD's long‐term objectives and conducive short‐term policies. We discuss to what extent economic governance changes reinforce the role of the EGD as a pillar of the European Union economic model, contributing also to creating strong (political, institutional and society) dynamics in favour of sustainability and promoting integration.

The EU's new generation of deep and comprehensive free trade agreements not only promote EU trade but also have a bearing on the shape of the European model and in consequence on the sustainability of the integration project. They reach much further than conventional free trade agreements. Their benefits hinge on the abolition of non-tariff and regulatory barriers and enter into areas that are member state competences. Much depends on the agreements in question and similarity of preferences between trading partners. It is up to the EU, ultimately for the sake of the sustainability of its political integration project, to explicitly contemplate not only trade impacts but impacts on the Union's economic model instead of letting rather than being pushed further down the road by unfolding trade dynamics. ; A nova geração de acordos globais de comércio bilateral não promove apenas o comércio externo da UE mas tem igualmente um impacto no seu modelo de desenvolvimento e, em consequência, na sustentabilidade do projeto de integração europeia. A nova geração de acordos vai para além dos convencionais acordos de comércio livre. Os seus benefícios dependem da abolição de barreiras não tarifárias e barreiras regulatórias, o que entra na esfera de competências dos Estados Membros. Muito depende dos acordos em questão e da similitude de preferências entre os parceiros. Em última análise, cabe à UE tomar em consideração não apenas os impactos comerciais desses acordos mas também o impacto no seu modelo económico, evitando assim ser condicionada pelas dinâmicas económica e política deles resultante. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The EU's new generation of deep and comprehensive free trade agreements not only promote EU trade but also have a bearing on the shape of the European model and in consequence on the sustainability of the integration project. They reach much further than conventional free trade agreements. Their benefits hinge on the abolition of non-tariff and regulatory barriers and enter into areas that are member state competences. Much depends on the agreements in question and similarity of preferences between trading partners. It is up to the EU, ultimately for the sake of the sustainability of its political integration project, to explicitly contemplate not only trade impacts but impacts on the Union's economic model instead of letting rather than being pushed further down the road by unfolding trade dynamics. Keywords: Comprehensive free trade agreements; EU regulation and preferences; subsidiarity. ; A nova geração de acordos globais de comércio bilateral não promove apenas o comércio externo da UE mas tem igualmente um impacto no seu modelo de desenvolvimento e, em consequência, na sustentabilidade do projeto de integração europeia. A nova geração de acordos vai para além dos convencionais acordos de comércio livre. Os seus benefícios dependem da abolição de barreiras não tarifárias e barreiras regulatórias, o que entra na esfera de competências dos Estados Membros. Muito depende dos acordos em questão e da similitude de preferências entre os parceiros. Em última análise, cabe à UE tomar em consideração não apenas os impactos comerciais desses acordos mas também o impacto no seu modelo económico, evitando assim ser condicionada pelas dinâmicas económica e política deles resultante.

For a global player like the EU, it must adequately respond to US unilateral actions and not give in to threats in order to preserve its credibility. However, it is not in its interest to let trade conflicts escalate and be drawn into trade wars. It is worth noting that through the bilateral rules established in the context of a comprehensive trade agreement, the EU not only influences global norms and standards but that those in turn feed back into the EU's economic order in a way that traditional trade agreements have not. They can therefore either reinforce the European model or weaken it.

For a global player like the EU, it must adequately respond to US unilateral actions and not give in to threats in order to preserve its credibility. However, it is not in its interest to let trade conflicts escalate and be drawn into trade wars. It is worth noting that through the bilateral rules established in the context of a comprehensive trade agreement, the EU not only influences global norms and standards but that those in turn feed back into the EU's economic order in a way that traditional trade agreements have not. They can therefore either reinforce the European model or weaken it.

The UK exit from the EU represents a qualitative change in the nature of EU membership. On the one hand, it conveyed the lesson that for the Union to be sustainable, membership needs to entail constant caretaking as far as individual members' contributions to the common good are concerned, with both rights and obligations. Countries with preferences that are too divergent for the Union to function properly should then not be discouraged to invoke Article 50 and to opt instead for membership in the EEA or for a free trade agreement. The Union has to deliver to be sustainable, but it cannot do so if there is a constant hold up of decisions that are in the common interest. On the other hand, with the eurozone having established itself as the de facto core of European (political) integration, the UK's preference for a stand-alone (and incomplete) economic union became untenable, because the need to make the monetary union work calls for further integration and institution-building in the economic union sphere.

This article considers how the EU governance set-up envolved with respect to environmental protection and sustainable development. It aims at evaluating the EU´s progress towards creating the basis for a competitive, low-carbon, European economy (a kind of EU industrial strategy) and sustainable production and consumption patterns. The article concludes that environmental and energie policies have become increasingly Europeanized and come under the single market and competitiveness rationale. It puts forward that the shift to a low-carbon economy is associated with important economic benefits, whereas economic costs appear overrated. However, shortcomings in EU governance sit uneasily with a more coherent approach to sustainable development. Resumo Este artigo analisa como a governança da UE se envolveu na proteção ambiental e no desenvolvimento sustentável. Destina-se a avaliar os progressos da UE no sentido de criar as bases para uma economia europeia competitiva e hipocarbónica (uma espécie de estratégia industrial da UE) e para padrões sustentáveis de produção e consumo. O artigo conclui que as políticas ambientais e energéticas se tornaram cada vez mais europeizadas e estão sob o lema do mercado único e da competitividade. O artigo defende que a mudança para uma economia de baixo carbono está associada a importantes benefícios económicos, enquanto os custos económicos parecem sobrestimados. No entanto, as deficiências na governação da UE assemelham-se desconfortavelmente com uma abordagem mais coerente do desenvolvimento sustentável.

Forthcoming in Intereconomics – Review of European Economic Policy, Springer, Vol. 42, No. 1, 2007. The authors are Associate Professor, Universidade Moderna, Lisbon, and Research Fellow at IEEI and Professor and Research Coordinator, IEE, Universidade Católica, Lisbon, and National Institute for Public Administration (INA), respectively. ; In order to ensure that the internal market delivers (growth, jobs) in the face of a changing market and technological environment (internal market liberalisation, globalisation, the knowledge-based economy) and to take advantage of the opportunities that it presents, the European Union (EU) needs to create an adequate institutional framework that promotes its efficiency potential and adaptive capacity. In the reality of European mixed economies, its capacity to solve the structural problems that impair productivity and economic growth in Europe hinges very much on governance, in particular when reforms to realise international synergies and complementarities or policy-learning with a view to common goals involve not only the EU but as well the Member State level. The Lisbon Agenda can be considered an exercise of policy coordination that needs to ensure that Member States' over-regulated economies comply both with liberalisation in the Single Market and with an adequate European-wide institutional environment for sustainable growth without coordination mismatches, protectionism and market segmentation. This ultimately raises the question, central to this paper, of the adequate governance level and of the regulatory model to adopt (systems competition and/or European regulation). ; This paper stems from the authors' joint research and teaching on European Economics at the University of Victoria, Canada, at INA and at the University of Aveiro in 2005 and 2006 and is part of an FCT research project on Economic Growth, Convergence and Institutions (research grant POCI/EGE/55423/2004, partially funded by ...

This paper will presented at the 27th Annual Conference of the Portuguese Economic and Social History Association on "Globalization: Long-Term Perspectives" Lisbon, 16-17 November 2007, and is forthcoming in P. Della Posta, A. Verdun and M. Uvalic (eds), Interpreting globalization: a European Perspective, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. We are grateful to Jeff Frieden for a stimulating discussion of this paper and would also like to thank the editors of the above-referred volume as well as Erik Jones, Phil Schmitter, Francesco Farina and other participants in our conference panels at the EUI in Florence in 2006 and at the ECPR meetings in Pisa in 2007 for their useful comments. Any remaining errors and omissions are of course our responsibility. ; The issue of whether the 'European model' is viable in a globalized world raises the question as to what defines and conditions any European model and its competitiveness in the context of globalization and the new economy. For the sake of sustainability of its model but also to sustain support for globalization the European Union (EU) needs to take economic advantage of globalization and the knowledge-based economy. Challenges in a high-cost, high-productivity economy mean that there is a premium on dynamic efficiency gains from the liberalization and reform of markets and an economic and institutional framework that fosters innovation and flexible adjustment. The paper examines how the EU deals with governance issues and political economy factors from this perspective. The EU model, if able to legitimize itself with respect to the European integration process may as well contribute to a legitimate political governance of globalization. ; Research Fellow at IEEI and Professor and Research Coordinator at IEE-UCP, Lisbon, respectively. They are both regular visiting professors at the National Institute for Public Administration (INA). This paper is part of an FCT research project on Economic Growth, Convergence and Institutions (research grant POCI/EGE/55423/2004, ...

Trade dynamics within the EU are presently pushing it towards deepening globalisation through bilateral comprehensive trade agreements which establish far-reaching rules that govern the bilateral trade relationship. The European Commission has defended these agreements as a vehicle through which to promote world trade in accordance with European values and norms. However, the theory of fiscal federalism and the principle of subsidiarity tell us that one should not centralise decisions at the supranational level which are better taken at the national or regional level when there are different preferences among countries or regions. Consequently, member state and regional competences ought not to be perceived as a mere obstacle to swift trade deals. Rather, they can provide an important checks and balances function with regard to whether EU trade policy is truly working to condition globalisation according to European values and preferences.