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Salafism appeared in Yemen around Muqbil al-Wâdi'î of Dammâj, north Yemen, in the early 1980s. Since then it has spread throughout the country in various teaching centres and mosques. Dominant political and academic narratives often regard the salafi movement as the offspring of a Saudi religious proselytism that aims at spreading its own model, and this in order to manipulate the loyalty of Yemeni citizens and to satisfy its own national interest. In that framework, religion and transnational actors (migrants, business men or students) are seen as simple instruments of domination and state power. Explaining the rise of salafism in Yemen in terms of imperialism and confrontation of power appears superficial. In the Yemeni context, this political and religious movement develops less because of centralised policies than because of various local, global and translocal social dynamics witnessed in the contemporary Arabian Peninsula. These processes mix individual migratory trajectories, recompositions of religious and political identities in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and in Muslim societies and the effects of the "global war against terror". The trajectory of salafism in the Yemeni environment is affected by domestic structures and institutions. For individuals at grass-roots level, this religious practice does not bear the same meaning in Yemeni society as it does in Saudi Arabia's. It is mainly for this reason that the state, even when it is dominant, does not control the ideological evolution of salafism and of its entrepreneurs and advocates. ; Apparu au début des années 1980 autour de la figure de Muqbil al-Wâdi'î, le mouvement salafi yéménite a depuis connu un développement rapide et remarqué. Les discours médiatiques et académiques dominants réduisent fréquemment l'émergence du salafisme à une politique prosélyte de l'Arabie Saoudite visant à diffuser son propre modèle religieux afin d'orienter en sa faveur l'allégeance de la population yéménite et de satisfaire un hypothétique intérêt national. Dans ce cadre, la ...

Salafism appeared in Yemen around Muqbil al-Wâdi'î of Dammâj, north Yemen, in the early 1980s. Since then it has spread throughout the country in various teaching centres and mosques. Dominant political and academic narratives often regard the salafi movement as the offspring of a Saudi religious proselytism that aims at spreading its own model, and this in order to manipulate the loyalty of Yemeni citizens and to satisfy its own national interest. In that framework, religion and transnational actors (migrants, business men or students) are seen as simple instruments of domination and state power. Explaining the rise of salafism in Yemen in terms of imperialism and confrontation of power appears superficial. In the Yemeni context, this political and religious movement develops less because of centralised policies than because of various local, global and translocal social dynamics witnessed in the contemporary Arabian Peninsula. These processes mix individual migratory trajectories, recompositions of religious and political identities in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and in Muslim societies and the effects of the "global war against terror". The trajectory of salafism in the Yemeni environment is affected by domestic structures and institutions. For individuals at grass-roots level, this religious practice does not bear the same meaning in Yemeni society as it does in Saudi Arabia's. It is mainly for this reason that the state, even when it is dominant, does not control the ideological evolution of salafism and of its entrepreneurs and advocates. ; Apparu au début des années 1980 autour de la figure de Muqbil al-Wâdi'î, le mouvement salafi yéménite a depuis connu un développement rapide et remarqué. Les discours médiatiques et académiques dominants réduisent fréquemment l'émergence du salafisme à une politique prosélyte de l'Arabie Saoudite visant à diffuser son propre modèle religieux afin d'orienter en sa faveur l'allégeance de la population yéménite et de satisfaire un hypothétique intérêt national. Dans ce cadre, la ...

Salafism appeared in Yemen around Muqbil al-Wâdi'î of Dammâj, north Yemen, in the early 1980s. Since then it has spread throughout the country in various teaching centres and mosques. Dominant political and academic narratives often regard the salafi movement as the offspring of a Saudi religious proselytism that aims at spreading its own model, and this in order to manipulate the loyalty of Yemeni citizens and to satisfy its own national interest. In that framework, religion and transnational actors (migrants, business men or students) are seen as simple instruments of domination and state power. Explaining the rise of salafism in Yemen in terms of imperialism and confrontation of power appears superficial. In the Yemeni context, this political and religious movement develops less because of centralised policies than because of various local, global and translocal social dynamics witnessed in the contemporary Arabian Peninsula. These processes mix individual migratory trajectories, recompositions of religious and political identities in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and in Muslim societies and the effects of the "global war against terror". The trajectory of salafism in the Yemeni environment is affected by domestic structures and institutions. For individuals at grass-roots level, this religious practice does not bear the same meaning in Yemeni society as it does in Saudi Arabia's. It is mainly for this reason that the state, even when it is dominant, does not control the ideological evolution of salafism and of its entrepreneurs and advocates. ; Apparu au début des années 1980 autour de la figure de Muqbil al-Wâdi'î, le mouvement salafi yéménite a depuis connu un développement rapide et remarqué. Les discours médiatiques et académiques dominants réduisent fréquemment l'émergence du salafisme à une politique prosélyte de l'Arabie Saoudite visant à diffuser son propre modèle religieux afin d'orienter en sa faveur l'allégeance de la population yéménite et de satisfaire un hypothétique intérêt national. Dans ce cadre, la ...

Salafism appeared in Yemen around Muqbil al-Wâdi'î of Dammâj, north Yemen, in the early 1980s. Since then it has spread throughout the country in various teaching centres and mosques. Dominant political and academic narratives often regard the salafi movement as the offspring of a Saudi religious proselytism that aims at spreading its own model, and this in order to manipulate the loyalty of Yemeni citizens and to satisfy its own national interest. In that framework, religion and transnational actors (migrants, business men or students) are seen as simple instruments of domination and state power. Explaining the rise of salafism in Yemen in terms of imperialism and confrontation of power appears superficial. In the Yemeni context, this political and religious movement develops less because of centralised policies than because of various local, global and translocal social dynamics witnessed in the contemporary Arabian Peninsula. These processes mix individual migratory trajectories, recompositions of religious and political identities in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and in Muslim societies and the effects of the "global war against terror". The trajectory of salafism in the Yemeni environment is affected by domestic structures and institutions. For individuals at grass-roots level, this religious practice does not bear the same meaning in Yemeni society as it does in Saudi Arabia's. It is mainly for this reason that the state, even when it is dominant, does not control the ideological evolution of salafism and of its entrepreneurs and advocates. ; Apparu au début des années 1980 autour de la figure de Muqbil al-Wâdi'î, le mouvement salafi yéménite a depuis connu un développement rapide et remarqué. Les discours médiatiques et académiques dominants réduisent fréquemment l'émergence du salafisme à une politique prosélyte de l'Arabie Saoudite visant à diffuser son propre modèle religieux afin d'orienter en sa faveur l'allégeance de la population yéménite et de satisfaire un hypothétique intérêt national. Dans ce cadre, la ...

Les événements du 11 septembre 2001 et leurs conséquences en Afghanistan ont donné lieu, au sein d'al-Islâh, à trois types de réaction bien distincts : un soutien idéologique assumé aux Talibans, un soutien de circonstance ou une position de neutralité. Cette hétérogénéité peut apparaître comme le résultat de la conjoncture politique yéménite contemporaine et des spécificités de l'histoire de ce parti composite, regroupant " islamistes " et représentants du système tribal. Toutefois, la diversité exprimée et largement assumée dans le parti pourrait également ne pas être étrangère à un pan de l'héritage idéologique des Frères musulmans. En effet, celui-ci, plus que ne le pense habituellement le regard occidental, tolèrerait une certaine liberté d'analyse des acteurs et une autonomie des structures politiques.

Les événements du 11 septembre 2001 et leurs conséquences en Afghanistan ont donné lieu, au sein d'al-Islâh, à trois types de réaction bien distincts : un soutien idéologique assumé aux Talibans, un soutien de circonstance ou une position de neutralité. Cette hétérogénéité peut apparaître comme le résultat de la conjoncture politique yéménite contemporaine et des spécificités de l'histoire de ce parti composite, regroupant " islamistes " et représentants du système tribal. Toutefois, la diversité exprimée et largement assumée dans le parti pourrait également ne pas être étrangère à un pan de l'héritage idéologique des Frères musulmans. En effet, celui-ci, plus que ne le pense habituellement le regard occidental, tolèrerait une certaine liberté d'analyse des acteurs et une autonomie des structures politiques.

The February 2003 demonstrations against the war in Iraq raised a broader question : does this global activism signal the emergence of a new transnational public sphere of collective action? To account for an event some regard as a turning point in the politics of contention, both in essence and in scale, this article undertakes an historical analysis of the social processes that have transnationalized activism. The analysis juxtaposes Jürgen Habermasâ?? definition of public space (1962) with the history of transnational social movements since the mid-1980s. ; Les manifestations de février 2003 contre la guerre en Irak soulèvent une interrogation : cette mobilisation mondiale marque-t-elle l'avènement d'un nouvel espace d'exercice de l'action publique, un espace public transnational ? Pour examiner avec rigueur un évènement qui est apparu comme une rupture, un changement d'échelle de la contestation, il convient d'en faire l'archéologie et de regarder les processus sociaux qui ont amené cette transnationalisation de la mobilisation. On a choisi de confronter la définition que donne Jürgen Habermas de l'espace public dans son ouvrage de 1962 avec l'histoire des mouvements sociaux transnationaux depuis le milieu des années 1980.

The February 2003 demonstrations against the war in Iraq raised a broader question : does this global activism signal the emergence of a new transnational public sphere of collective action? To account for an event some regard as a turning point in the politics of contention, both in essence and in scale, this article undertakes an historical analysis of the social processes that have transnationalized activism. The analysis juxtaposes Jürgen Habermasâ?? definition of public space (1962) with the history of transnational social movements since the mid-1980s. ; Les manifestations de février 2003 contre la guerre en Irak soulèvent une interrogation : cette mobilisation mondiale marque-t-elle l'avènement d'un nouvel espace d'exercice de l'action publique, un espace public transnational ? Pour examiner avec rigueur un évènement qui est apparu comme une rupture, un changement d'échelle de la contestation, il convient d'en faire l'archéologie et de regarder les processus sociaux qui ont amené cette transnationalisation de la mobilisation. On a choisi de confronter la définition que donne Jürgen Habermas de l'espace public dans son ouvrage de 1962 avec l'histoire des mouvements sociaux transnationaux depuis le milieu des années 1980.

The February 2003 demonstrations against the war in Iraq raised a broader question : does this global activism signal the emergence of a new transnational public sphere of collective action? To account for an event some regard as a turning point in the politics of contention, both in essence & in scale, this article undertakes an historical analysis of the social processes that have transnationalized activism. The analysis juxtaposes Jurgen Habermas' definition of public space (1962) with the history of transnational social movements since the mid-1980s. Adapted from the source document.

the February 2003 protests against the war in Iraq raise a question: does this global mobilisation mark the advent of a new space for public action, a transnational public space? To carefully examine an event which has emerged as a break, a change in the scale of the challenge, it is necessary to turn it into archaeology and to look at the social processes that have led to this transnationalisation of mobilisation. Jürgen Habermas's definition of public space in his 1962 book was compared with the history of transnational social movements since the mid-1980s. ; The February 2003 demonstrations against the war in Iraq raised a broader question : does this global activism signal the emergence of a new transnational public sphere of collective action? To account for an event some regard as a turning point in the politics of contention, both in essence and in scale, this article undertakes an historical analysis of the social processes that have transnationalized activism. The analysis juxtaposes Jürgen Habermasâ?? definition of public space (1962) with the history of transnational social movements since the mid-1980s. ; the February 2003 protests against the war in Iraq raise a question: does this global mobilisation mark the advent of a new space for public action, a transnational public space? To carefully examine an event which has emerged as a break, a change in the scale of the challenge, it is necessary to turn it into archaeology and to look at the social processes that have led to this transnationalisation of mobilisation. Jürgen Habermas's definition of public space in his 1962 book was compared with the history of transnational social movements since the mid-1980s. ; Les manifestations de février 2003 contre la guerre en Irak soulèvent une interrogation : cette mobilisation mondiale marque-t-elle l'avènement d'un nouvel espace d'exercice de l'action publique, un espace public transnational ? Pour examiner avec rigueur un évènement qui est apparu comme une rupture, un changement d'échelle de la ...