Malta has the second lowest gender wage gap amongst EU states. At 4.5 % this is just 1.6 percentage points above the best performing country Slovenia – which has the lowest wage gap at 2.9 % – and 11.6 percentage points below the EU-28 average of 16.1 % (Eurostat, 2016). However, a study on the Gender Pay Gap in Malta commissioned by the National Commission for the promotion of Equality (NCPE), which was based on 587 randomly selected persons in gainful employment and on 20 qualitative interviews, suggests that the gap may be much higher, and at the time (2006) amounted to 23.25 % (Aquilina, Darmanin, Deguara, & Said, 2006). It must be noted that methodology adopted in this case was different to the one generally used by the National Statistics Office (NSO) and by Eurostat – but it gives an indication that the picture may not be as positive as it may first seem. However, since 2008, the Gender wage gap overall has been decreasing, and when using Eurostat data, statistically this places Malta amongst the best performing EU states on this issue. In spite of this positive indicator, the low wage gap needs to be taken in a context of relatively low national female employment rates and low gender equality achievements overall – especially when it comes to political empowerment and decision-making in business organisations. On the other hand, Maltese women are faring much better in their educational attainment with close to 60 % of graduates being female in the last decade (University of Malta, 2015). On the issue of women in the labour market, whilst noting a healthy increase in the number of working women in the last years, when looking at the overall female employment rate at 53.6 %, this places Malta with other Mediterranean countries like Italy (50.6 %) and Greece (46.0 %), towards the bottom end of the EU-28 employment table (Eurostat, 2016). Likewise, when it comes to the overall performance on Gender Equality, Malta also ranks towards the bottom end of the league at the 104th position out of 145 countries (Global Gender Gap Report, 2015). When looking at the wage gap specifically and its causes, the study by Aquilina et al, (2006) indicated that career breaks have a big impact on career progression and the earning potential of workers. In general, Maltese women take on more breaks and their career breaks tend to be much longer than those of men. On the other hand, men tend to stay longer with the same employer and they are more likely to be offered a promotion than women, with fewer men than women refusing to be promoted (Aquilina et al, 2006). ; peer-reviewed
On the 1st of April, 2014 a free childcare scheme for children under the age of three was introduced in Malta in order to incentivise more parents (but especially mothers) to return or to remain in the formal labour market (MEDE, 2015). In a national context of low female employment rates (51 %), the free childcare scheme is specifically targeted at parents (defined as both parents/guardian or single mother/father/guardian) who are employed and paying social security contributions. It is also open to parents who are studying (defined as those in education leading to a recognised diploma or degree). Only parents who fall into these specific categories are allowed to send their children to a childcare centre of their choice, free of charge. Hence, the scheme is not universal but stems from neo-liberal values which first and foremost reward work effort and discourage dependency. According to government, the number of children enrolled in childcare centres went up from 1800 to 2917 between April and December 2014 as a result of this scheme, thus pushing the percentage of children under the age of three in childcare to 21 %. During the same period, an additional 200 mothers are estimated to have entered the workforce in low-to-medium skill jobs (of these, two-thirds work part-time). It is also calculated that mothers who benefitted from the free childcare scheme entered the workforce 130 days before mothers who did not make use of it. This has led to a 10.7 % aggregate increase in working hours and an estimated EUR 1.9 million contribution to the economy from direct and indirect tax contributions. Additionally, during the first nine months of the scheme, 50 new child carers were employed in this sector (MEDE, 2015). Overall, the scheme has been received positively by working parents, service providers and the public in general. Nearly all childcare centres in Malta (97.5 %) have joined the scheme which is run through a Public Private Partnership (PPP) agreement. On the other hand the scheme, which was marketed under the banner of free 'Child Care for All', fails in the social cohesion aspect in that the parents of the most at-risk and deprived children are unlikely to be eligible to use the scheme. Educationalists also critiqued the scheme because it focuses on the economic element rather than on the educational and the developmental aspect of children. Furthermore, since the scheme was implemented in a very short time, there were some shortcomings which, amongst other things, have affected the availability of qualified child carers. No studies have been made in order to assess the impact that the scheme has had on the quality of childcare or on the working conditions of the child carers. Likewise there are no clear indicators on how many of the newly enrolled children are at risk of poverty or social exclusion and hence, stand to benefit most from childcare. However, qualitative interviews carried out for this research indicate that working parents and the service providers have benefited directly from the scheme in terms of saved costs for parents and a sustained, regular income for the providers. ; peer-reviewed
Overriding Research Objectives: The overriding research objective of this research project aimed at researching inactivity in the labour market from a gender perspective. This was researched by way of two Activities. ACTIVITY I: to analyse inactivity from a gender perspective. This research project focused on identifying, understanding and validating the reasons underlying the inactivity of the female segment in the Maltese and Gozitan population. ACTIVITY II: to conduct an 'inactive population skills' study to understand better where and why the skills of the inactive do not match the requirements of the current labour market. ; N/A
The report focuses on the proposed changes to maternity leave as approved by the European Parliament in October 2010. It discusses the length of the leave and who should be responsible for the related cash benefits. It also looks at the reactions of government, employers and the social partners. The economic costs and benefits of the extended maternity leave are also debated. The report suggests that a publicly funded, generous maternity leave can go a long way in ensuring that the economic and employment security of mothers is not compromised. ; N/A
The aim of this manual is to help Employers and HR Practitioners recognise, prevent and deal with gender discrimination at work. Gender Discrimination takes various forms and shapes and may even go unnoticed at times. For this reason, the ETC has compiled this manual, which is filled with information and advice that makes good business sense. This manual has been developed specifically for Maltese employers and HR Managers who want to ensure that their employees do not suffer unfair discrimination in employment. The manual will offer advice on how to recruit and retain the best employees according to their skills and abilities and to do so in line with the law. Workplaces which encourage equity and which develop supportive and innovative work practices that permit better work life integration, can attract the best employees and enhance the company's reputation and image. ; N/A
Malta has a mixed healthcare system. The National Health Service (NHS) is provided by the state and is responsible for public service delivery. In parallel, the private sector provides services through a large number of clinics and a number of privately run hospitals. Between 2005 and 2015, the public share of health expenditure increased by more than one third, yet in 2015 the health expenditure in Malta remained below the EU average, both in per capita terms and as a share of GDP. Preventative, diagnostic, curative and rehabilitative healthcare services are available free of charge through Malta's public healthcare system, funded through taxation. Inpatient medicines, and medicines listed in the government formulary for those suffering chronic illnesses, are available free of charge. Outpatients in low-income groups are also entitled to a restricted list of essential medicines and medical devices if they pass a means test. Free dental care is restricted to specific categories of people, whilst non-emergency dental care and optical services are means-tested. No qualifying period is required to access healthcare and in general patients are not asked to make co-payments or to pay any other charges. Some exceptional charges exist, as in the case of IVF hormonal treatment. Overall, the population coverage of the public healthcare system is high, comparing very favourably with other EU countries as documented through the EU statistics on income and living conditions (EU-SILC). There is also variability in reported unmet medical needs between those in the highest and the lowest quintiles of income. This suggests a not quite equitable access to services across all income groups. Due to the small size of the island and a good distribution of regional healthcare centres and other smaller clinics scattered around the country, there is no incidence of inability to access free healthcare services due to geographical reasons. Similarly, unmet needs for dental examination are very low. Waiting lists for inpatient care for a number of procedures, such as cataract surgery, have been reduced substantially in recent years and only 0.1 per cent of respondents reported unmet needs for medical examination due to long waiting lists. In contrast to this positive trend, outpatient waiting times are long and have been increasing; as at March 2018, on average patients across 18 departments at the Mater Dei Hospital had to wait for 40 weeks before being granted a first outpatient appointment. Similarly, data on pending unscheduled and scheduled interventions in the different specialities suggest long waits, especially in the orthopaedics department (220 days). Long and increasing waiting lists for some radiological investigations can also be noted at the medical imaging department. Malta's challenges concerning healthcare access arise primarily because the same health consultants and specialists are allowed to provide services in both the public and privately run hospitals and clinics. This systemic feature severely limits the ability of health authorities to extend outpatient opening hours, and this situation is partially responsible for long outpatient waiting times. As a result, many believe that inpatient care in public hospitals is best secured by consulting specialists in the private sector first. This helps patients who can afford to pay for private consultations to by-pass, or at least minimise, their waiting times for inpatient care. This systemic feature of the Maltese healthcare system creates pressures for pensioners and families on low incomes who are in need of specialist care and who are not able to afford a private fee-paying consultation. When persons in these categories are prescribed medicines that are not listed in the government formulary their challenges become harder. Because of a lack of empirical research it is, however, very difficult to assess how big this group is: although out-of-pocket (OOP) expenses are reported to be on the high side (28 per cent of total health spending) and are nearly double the EU average (15.3 per cent). This puts Malta amongst the top third of countries with the highest rate of OOP spending. Malta has a mixed healthcare system. The National Health Service (NHS) is provided by the state and is responsible for public service delivery. In parallel, the private sector provides services through a large number of clinics and a number of privately run hospitals. Between 2005 and 2015, the public share of health expenditure increased by more than one third, yet in 2015 the health expenditure in Malta remained below the EU average, both in per capita terms and as a share of GDP. Preventative, diagnostic, curative and rehabilitative healthcare services are available free of charge through Malta's public healthcare system, funded through taxation. Inpatient medicines, and medicines listed in the government formulary for those suffering chronic illnesses, are available free of charge. Outpatients in low-income groups are also entitled to a restricted list of essential medicines and medical devices if they pass a means test. Free dental care is restricted to specific categories of people, whilst non-emergency dental care and optical services are means-tested. No qualifying period is required to access healthcare and in general patients are not asked to make co-payments or to pay any other charges. Some exceptional charges exist, as in the case of IVF hormonal treatment. Overall, the population coverage of the public healthcare system is high, comparing very favourably with other EU countries as documented through the EU statistics on income and living conditions (EU-SILC). There is also variability in reported unmet medical needs between those in the highest and the lowest quintiles of income. This suggests a not quite equitable access to services across all income groups. Due to the small size of the island and a good distribution of regional healthcare centres and other smaller clinics scattered around the country, there is no incidence of inability to access free healthcare services due to geographical reasons. Similarly, unmet needs for dental examination are very low. Waiting lists for inpatient care for a number of procedures, such as cataract surgery, have been reduced substantially in recent years and only 0.1 per cent of respondents reported unmet needs for medical examination due to long waiting lists. In contrast to this positive trend, outpatient waiting times are long and have been increasing; as at March 2018, on average patients across 18 departments at the Mater Dei Hospital had to wait for 40 weeks before being granted a first outpatient appointment. Similarly, data on pending unscheduled and scheduled interventions in the different specialities suggest long waits, especially in the orthopaedics department (220 days). Long and increasing waiting lists for some radiological investigations can also be noted at the medical imaging department. Malta's challenges concerning healthcare access arise primarily because the same health consultants and specialists are allowed to provide services in both the public and privately run hospitals and clinics. This systemic feature severely limits the ability of health authorities to extend outpatient opening hours, and this situation is partially responsible for long outpatient waiting times. As a result, many believe that inpatient care in public hospitals is best secured by consulting specialists in the private sector first. This helps patients who can afford to pay for private consultations to by-pass, or at least minimise, their waiting times for inpatient care. This systemic feature of the Maltese healthcare system creates pressures for pensioners and families on low incomes who are in need of specialist care and who are not able to afford a private fee-paying consultation. When persons in these categories are prescribed medicines that are not listed in the government formulary their challenges become harder. Because of a lack of empirical research it is, however, very difficult to assess how big this group is: although out-of-pocket (OOP) expenses are reported to be on the high side (28 per cent of total health spending) and are nearly double the EU average (15.3 per cent). This puts Malta amongst the top third of countries with the highest rate of OOP spending. Similar problems are also faced by third-country nationals who enter Malta legally but who are barred from working: they face more problems in accessing adequate health and follow-up care. There is no specific legislation which covers this group. Similarly, there seems to be a legal limbo in relation to how such people can access mental health services or expensive treatment for HIV. Such migrants may also face barriers to using health services due to lack of information, language problems and fear of being deported. Barriers for trans-gendered persons will soon be removed (June 2018) and specialised services such as hormone therapy and gender-affirmation care will start being offered free of charge. ; N/A
Malta does not have a statutory minimum income (MI) scheme as such, but it does have a means-tested safety net, which provides grants in cash and in kind to those persons who are not eligible for social insurance benefits and to those whose entitlement may have expired. As such, Malta's means-tested social assistance benefit may be considered a basic form of minimum income scheme. The means-tested unemployment assistance (which kicks in when the contributory unemployment benefit expires) is a second type of minimum income scheme. Single unmarried parents assistance is a third type. Non-contributory grants are available to Maltese and EU citizens who possess a permanent residence permit. The social security system has evolved over time and hence is rather fragmented. This means that it has not been reviewed holistically; but irrespective of this, there have been incremental improvements over time to support those most in need. Malta's means-tested system is, however, based not on the single individual, but on the household. Thus an individual may not qualify for assistance if the household to which he/she belongs does not pass the means test. A comparison of seven case study scenarios involving different families that got by on the minimum income (with no other income) (McKay, 2012) showed that the income of six of the families fell quite far short of the 60% median national income – even when supplementary allowances were added to the basic non-contributory assistance rate. The biggest shortfalls were found in households made up of parents (either two or a single parent) receiving social assistance, with two dependent children and living in a commercially rented dwelling. This suggests that the weekly rent allowance of EUR 1.16 for families is totally inadequate, given the commercial rents. Issues of adequacy are very obvious, and whenever an individual is in need but is living in a larger household which does not pass the means test, other issues arise – so that people have been known to register as the head of the household at a fake address, simply to be able to gain access to benefits. ; N/A
PurposeAlthough women have advanced in the economic sphere, the gender pay gap (GPG) remains a persisting problem for gender equality. Using Acker's theory of gendered organisations, this study strives to gain a better understanding from a macro and micro approach, how family and work-related policies, especially family-friendly measures (FFMs), and their uptake, contribute and maintain the GPG in Malta and specifically within the Financial and Insurance sector.Design/methodology/approachTwo research instruments were used. National policy documents were analysed through the gender lens, followed by structured interviews with HR managerial participants within this sector.FindingsFindings suggest that at a macro level, family and work-related policies could be divided into two broad categories: A set of family-friendly policies that contribute to the GPG because of their gendered nature, or because the uptake is mostly taken by women. These include make-work pay policies, which initially appear to be gender neutral, but which attracted lower educated inactive women to the Maltese labour market at low pay, contributing to an increase in the GPG. Second, a set of policies that take on a gender-neutral approach and help reduce the GPG. These include policies like the free childcare and after school care scheme that allow mothers to have a better adherence to the labour market. At the micro level within organisations, pay discrepancies between women and men were largely negated and awareness about the issue was low. Here, "ideal worker" values based on masculine norms seemed to lead to covert biases towards mothers who shoulder heavier care responsibilities in the families and make a bigger use of FFMs. Because men are better able to conform to these gendered values and norms, the GPG persists through vertical segregation and glass ceilings, among others.Research limitations/implicationsSince not all the companies in the Eurostat NACE code list participated in this research, results could not be generalised but were indicative to future large-scale studies..Practical implicationsAt the macro and policy level, some FFMs take on a clear gendered approach. For example, the disparity in length between maternity (18 weeks) and paternity leave (1 day) reinforces gender roles and stereotypes, which contribute to the GPG in the long run. While some FFMs like parental leave, career breaks, urgent family leave, telework, flexible and reduced hours seem to take on a more gender-neutral approach, the uptake of FFMs (except childcare) seems to generate discriminatory behaviour that may affect the GPG. When considering the make-work pay policies such as the "in-work benefit" and the "tapering of benefits", this study showed that these policies attracted lower educated and low-skilled women into the labour market, which in turn may have further contributed to the increasing GPGs. On the other hand, the childcare and after school policies relieve working mothers from caregiving duties, minimising career interruptions, discriminatory behaviour and overall GPGs.Social implicationsThis study confirmed that organisations within the Financial and Insurance sector are gendered and give value to full-time commitment and long working hours, especially in managerial roles. Managerial positions remain associated with men because mothers tend to make more use of FFMs such as parental leave, reduced, flexible hours and teleworking. Mothers are indirectly penalised for doing so, because in gendered organisations, the uptake of FFMs conflict with the demands of work and ideal worker values (Acker, 1990). This maintains the vertical segregation and widens the GPG within the Financial and Insurance sector.Originality/valueBy using the gender lens and taking a wider and more holistic approach from the macro and micro level, this study highlights how interlinking factors lead to and sustain the GPG in the Financial and Insurance sector in Malta.
This study investigates how the regulation of interaction on the performative level (types and functions of interactions) and the referential level (relations of concepts) varies depending on the modality of communication: face-to-face, synchronous, and asynchronous text-based computer-mediated communication. In the experimental setting, six groups consisting of four experts cooperated per one of the three modalities in planning a marketing campaign for solar energy systems. The communication transcripts were analyzed on the performative level by SYMLOG. On the referential level, a network analysis was established to examine how relevant concepts were introduced in the discussion. The group output was measured with regard to group work, satisfaction, and performance. The results show that all communication modalities differ on the performative and on the referential level. No differences between the modalities were found regarding group work and satisfaction of the members. Group performance was judged better in face-to-face than in computer-mediated groups.
Gender Equality between women and men remains elusive on many fronts and in 2019, Malta's score in the EU Equality Index was below the EU average. Progress has been noted in the area of paid work, but little headway has been made in the power domain, which is still heavily dominated by men. On the other hand, women still disproportionally carry the biggest care burdens, with related consequences on their career and their earnings. Gender mainstreaming is still in its very early stages and there is no evidence that Gender Auditing or Gender Budgeting has been implemented so far. In the last six years no ESIF funds were secured for genderequality-related projects. However, other funds were sourced through other EU calls. A gender mainstreaming strategy is due to be launched in 2020, although little details exist of how this will be implemented. Malta has much to gain if it makes better use of ESIF and other EU funds in order to secure the expertise and the resources to effectively implement Gender Mainstreaming and to carry out Gender audits and Gender Budgeting. NGOs should be more involved in these processes and could be better supported, in order to make use of EU funds to strengthen gender equality in Malta. ; This publication is supported by the European Union Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020). ; N/A
The Centre for Labour Studies (CLS) is the first and prototype centre set up at the University of Malta in 1981. A clearinghouse for independent and critical thinking and evidence based scholarship, the CLS has a broad mandate to act as a springboard for education, training, research and community outreach in a range of issues that concern workers and the Maltese Labour Market. Given the centrality of work to our lives, and its pivotal role in social and economic development, the CLS has also been unfailingly submitting workrelated policy recommendations to all political parties contesting general elections in Malta since 1981. Such recommendations typically gravitate around the areas of expertise that have coalesced at the CLS and that find obvious expression in its course offerings, ongoing reports and monitoring, and the publications of its core academic staff. ; N/A
NCPE's commitment to eliminating gender equality in Malta comes forth again with this research exercise. As you will read in the following pages, through the European Social Fund project – ESF 3.47 Unlocking the Female Potential, NCPE has embarked on a mission to further understand certain realities that limit the involvement of women in the labour market. Throughout this research, we have sought to identify the needs of specific female target groups that make up the national context. Among other objectives we delved deeper into the variances between the needs of male and female entrepreneurs, the hardships of temporary and casual workers whose employment is considered vulnerable, the perceptions of employed females with regards to the glass ceiling and glass cliff, how Maltese women view financial independence, the effects of social security benefits on the decision to take up employment, the skills available in the inactive segment and which roles females not contributing to the labour force see themselves in, as well as a thorough study of the Gozitan female population on how they view employment and how Gozitan society views employed females. It has been an exciting journey through two very full years of research to discover and bring to you these findings. In the 2nd chapter, we have also included policy recommendations that we hope will address the most urgent needs when it comes to gender inequality and discrimination. Important conclusions that can be covered in future studies as well as in future legislation can also be found here. In the analysis we have also assessed the impact of relevant policy actions and projects. We trust that this research will be fruitful and will be useful for policy development in order to enhance gender equality. Special thanks go to M. Fsadni & Associates involved in this research as well as to all NCPE staff. ; peer-reviewed
