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Depois de terem rejeitado de forma inequívoca o texto de uma nova Constituição, no referendo de 4 de setembro de 2022, os chilenos optaram por atribuir a maioria dos lugares para o Conselho Constituinte, na eleição de 7 de maio de 2023, ao Partido Republicano, liderado por José António Kast. Estes resultados representam retrocessos significativos para o Governo do Presidente Gabriel Boric. Este artigo apresenta quatro razões principais que explicam esta realidade: desilusão com o trabalho da Convenção e com a radicalidade da proposta de Constituição elaborada; insatisfação com o design institucional estabelecido para a segunda fase do processo constitucional; as regras eleitorais aplicadas; e a crise de segurança existente que erodiu a confiança do eleitorado no Governo de Boric.

UID/HIS/04209/2019 ; What were the means of religious regulation, and more specifically, what were the terms for the institutionalisation of the Catholic Church that the Portuguese authoritarian state adopted? This article adopts a new historiographic interpretation on these questions in order to emphasise both the experience of restructuring the separation and defending the persistence of secularism in the political and cultural debate over the course of the 20th century in Portugal. This argument moves away from the until recently dominant perspective that there was prevailing in Portugal that phenomenon termed "clerical fascism" that some of the literature deems to have been generalised across the dictatorial regimes of Europe between the World Wars. ; publishersversion ; published

The Portuguese authoritarian regime was constitutionally defined as a unitary and corporatist republic, but the political system established did not exclusively require the organic representation of organised interests in the State and kept several typical elements of liberal political representation. This paper attempts to understand the reasons of these ideological and political choices, assessing how the issue of sovereignty was considered and how the powers of the State were organised. Instruments and processes of political representation, as well as of the representation of interests, are also identified. The thought of the legislator is discussed, and hence of the active political power with respect to attempts to reconcile pro-state and anti-state positions, organicists and liberals. To this end, the paper analyses proposals presented during the period of the establishment of the constitution regarding the competencies and way of creation of state bodies, as well as the final solutions that were eventually recorded in the 1933 Constitution. The reactions that these solutions provoked among the various political forces and the published opinion are referred to. Finally, a reflection is made on the dominant trends of the European constitutionality of that time in order to place the Portuguese model within this reference framework. ; O regime autoritário português definiu-se constitucionalmente como uma república unitária e corporativa, mas o sistema político erigido não exigiu em exclusivo a representação orgânica dos interesses organizados no Estado e conservou vários elementos típicos da representação política liberal. Neste artigo, procura-se perceber as razões dessas escolhas ideológicas e políticas, avaliando de que modo se equacionou a questão da soberania e como se organizaram os poderes do Estado. Identificamse ainda instrumentos e processos de representação política e de representação de interesses. Discute-se o pensamento do legislador e, consequentemente, do poder político atuante, quanto a tentativas de compatibilização entre posições estadualistas e antiestadualistas, organicistas e liberais. Para tanto, observam-se propostas apresentadas durante o período constituinte sobre as competências e modo de formação dos órgãos de soberania, mas também as soluções finais que foram inscritas na Constituição de 1933. Referem-se as reações que as mesmas suscitaram entre as várias forças políticas e a opinião publicada. Reflete-se, por último, sobre as tendências dominantes da constitucionalidade europeia da época, com o objetivo de situar nesse quadro referencial o modelo português.The Portuguese authoritarian regime was constitutionally defined as a unitary and corporatist republic, but the political system established did not exclusively require the organic representation of organised interests in the State and kept several typical elements of liberal political representation. This paper attempts to understand the reasons of these ideological and political choices, assessing how the issue of sovereignty was considered and how the powers of the State were organised. Instruments and processes of political representation, as well as of the representation of interests, are also identified. The thought of the legislator is discussed, and hence of the active political power with respect to attempts to reconcile pro-state and anti-state positions, organicists and liberals. To this end, the paper analyses proposals presented during the period of the establishment of the constitution regarding the competencies and way of creation of state bodies, as well as the final solutions that were eventually recorded in the 1933 Constitution. The reactions that these solutions provoked among the various political forces and the published opinion are referred to. Finally, a reflection is made on the dominant trends of the European constitutionality of that time in order to place the Portuguese model within this reference framework.

This article deals with the strategies and solutions that Salazar, the Portuguese episcopate and Vatican diplomacy developed in order to address one of the issues that put most strain on the relationship between the Portuguese state and the Catholic Church up to the mid-twentieth century, namely the problem of the ecclesiastical property that had come into the hands of the state and its administrative organs as a result of the 1911 Law of Separation [of Church and state]. It examines the principal legal documents that governed the status of this property between 1926 and 1953. It also considers the main accords made concerning that property and its use, especially the agreement of 1 November 1940, which was signed without any publicity, and which has remained unknown to the wider public until this research was conducted. Based on legal sources and on official correspondence between the political establishment and the religious authorities, the present study reveals how the Estado Novo handled the property aspect of the so-called 'religious question', which, despite being fundamental to overcoming that dispute, has to date been little considered by historiography. ; Este artigo trata das estratégias e soluções que Salazar, o episcopado português e a diplomacia vaticana, desenvolveram para resolver um dos aspetos causadores de maior atrito no relacionamento entre o Estado português e a Igreja Católica até meados do século XX: o problema dos bens eclesiásticos, passados para a posse do Estado e dos corpos administrativos, na sequência da publicação da Lei de Separação de 1911. Observam-se os principais diplomas legais que regularam a situação desses bens, entre 1926 e 1953. Presta-se atenção às disposições concordatárias sobre aquele património e à sua regulamentação, em especial ao acordo de 1 de Novembro de 1940, celebrado sem que qualquer publicidade e desconhecido da opinião pública até à realização desta investigação. Apoiado em fontes legais e em correspondência oficial trocada entre o poder político e as autoridades religiosas, o presente estudo revela como o Estado Novo geriu a dimensão patrimonial da chamada «questão religiosa», a qual, apesar de ser fundamental na ultrapassagem desta, é ainda pouco considerada pela historiografia.This article deals with the strategies and solutions that Salazar, the Portuguese episcopate and Vatican diplomacy developed in order to address one of the issues that put most strain on the relationship between the Portuguese state and the Catholic Church up to the mid-twentieth century, namely the problem of the ecclesiastical property that had come into the hands of the state and its administrative organs as a result of the 1911 Law of Separation [of Church and state]. It examines the principal legal documents that governed the status of this property between 1926 and 1953. It also considers the main accords made concerning that property and its use, especially the agreement of 1 November 1940, which was signed without any publicity, and which has remained unknown to the wider public until this research was conducted. Based on legal sources and on official correspondence between the political establishment and the religious authorities,the present study reveals how the Estado Novo handled the property aspect of the so-called 'religious question', which, despite being fundamental to overcoming that dispute, has to date been little considered by historiography.Este artículo se ocupa de las estrategias y soluciones que Salazar, el episcopado portugués y la diplomacia vaticana desarrollaron para resolver uno de los aspectos que más fricciones provocó en la relación entre el Estado portugués y la Iglesia Católica hasta mediados del siglo XX: el problema de los bienes eclesiásticos, cuya posesión había pasado a manos del Estado y de los cuerpos administrativos tras la publicación de la Ley de Separación de 1911. Con este objeto, se examinan los principales textos legales que regularon la situación de dichos bienes durante el periodo comprendido entre 1926 y 1953. También se presta atención a las disposiciones concordatarias sobre ese patrimonio y su regulación, y en especial al acuerdo de 1 de noviembre de 1940, firmado con la mayor reserva y desconocido por la opinión pública hasta la realización de esta investigación. Apoyado en fuentes legales y en correspondencia oficial intercambiada entre el poder políticoy las autoridades religiosas, el presente estudio revela cómo el Estado Novo gestionó la dimensión patrimonial de la llamada «cuestión religiosa», un asunto que, a pesar de la innegable importancia que reviste para la superación de ésta, la historiografía aún no ha estudiado suficientemente.