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The article evaluates the qualitative changes in world politics during 2014-2015.In the last two years the system of international relations encountered significant difficulties. Contradictions accumulated in different spheres of world politics that were usually treated as latent, arose in the agenda. The starting point of this transformation was the Ukrainian crisis. However, the further events force one to reassess not only its direct consequences but also wide processes at the global level. One of them is deterioration of relations between Russia and Western countries, increase of influence of large non-Western markets and strengthening of turbulence in developing countries. Project of the unipolar regulation, promoted by the US, demonstrates its ineffectiveness. The main point here is inability of the US to secure the stability of the international system without real consensus of all world powers. We witness an active blend of traditional and new challenges to the international security that decreases the controllability of the situation, first of all in regional segments of the world, Middle East and Europe in particular. These processes give ground for reformatting of the world development, and post-bipolar world politics is gaining a new face. We speak not about going back to pre-crisis order, but about step-by-step elimination of the American hegemony in global and regional decision-making. There will be deepening of the fragmentation of the world politics and growth of strife of the international relations that may continue in the mid-term perspective.

Abstract: Public diplomacy has gained solid positions in the international discourse. Its resources are aimed at increase of the attractiveness of the country for the international society. Interest to the public diplomacy grows in EEU countries and its problematics is being studied by specialists in Russia and by its partners in integration project. Practice of the public diplomacy in EEU region is a result of different activities of national organizations in Russia, Belorussia, Kazakhstan, Armenia and Kirgizia. Currently their activities is based on bilateral basis. In closer look of the goals and targets of work, in every country it has different particularities from the perspective of priority formats, scales of the projects and its participants. Public diplomacy as a distinguished direction of the international activity gained the most popularity in Russia and Kazakhstan. The most popular projects are Gorchakov Fund, Rossotrudnichestvo, contributions to the integration process. The joint priority are projects oriented at youth and educational development. Altogether, public diplomacy resources are bringing not only elites but also widen society strata together. Eurasian trend of the public diplomacy is only being establishing now. The experience shows that socialhumanitarian cooperation that is 1 target for public diplomacy is the most delicate type of cooperation. It is very sensitive to the changes and in political, economic context. Russia as the largest EEU participant is interested in enhancing of resources of the public diplomacy in Eurasian format. Such resources strengthen humanitarian cooperation, good-neighborly relations and security atmosphere in the nearest regions.

He article is devoted to the role of the Russian language in Central Asia and its development perspectives in the context of the Eurasian integration processes. Russian language has a long historical tradition in Central Asia and hasn't lost its importance even at the background of two waves of "derussification" that took place after 1991. Notwithstanding the decrease of the status, it keeps substantial public significance. During last two decades only in Turkmenistan we are witnessing the decrease in spreading of the Russian language among title population of the Central Asia region. Its positions as an active communication channel is secured not only by the social tradition, but also by the competitiveness of the Russian language education, advantages of the bilingual business, requirements of the labor migrants, HR interests and by some other pragmatic thoughts, which role within the context of Eurasian economic integration will increase. Despite the difficulties, it is too early to speak about the decrease of the Russian language in the Central Asia region. It is more likely that the institutes itself that maintain it and promoting it are at the low ebb. New scales and forms of practical work that is interested not only for Russia, but also Central Asia countries are required. Pressure on the resources of the Russian language increases the possibility of ethnic conflicts and strengthens the positions of political radicalism in Central Asia region.

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When the status of the federal state at the international arena is in major defined by its scientific and technological potential, migration of the highly trained professional from or to Russia acquires a strategic status. The article is devoted to the consequences of the intellectual migration in Russia and proposals for optimization of the management policy at this direction. Authors regret that at this time in Russia the migration outflow of scientists and other specialists in quality and quantity figures substantially exceeds the inflow. This hinders plans on the modernization of the Russian economy and postpones refusal from extractive development model. Authors suggest expanding the governmental regulation of the intellectual migration in Russia by adopting special programs on the basis of the international experience. It shall be based on the principles of the differentiated and targeted approach to the intellectual migrants, effective monitoring, and effective feed-back relations when the decision are being implemented. The funding of the science also shall be increased both, by means of the target projects and exemptions to the science-driven business. The significance of these steps is high, particularly in the light of outflow of the Russian specialists abroad. If the positive tendencies will be supported by the active governmental policy and social-economic increase, in the mid-term perspective this may drive to turning point in the still negative situation with "brain drain" from Russia. It is worth to pay additional attention to the educational and scientific immigration to Russia as to an important offsetting factor if we do not want to lose this chance.

The current situation on the territories neighboring to Russia is characterized by a high degree of turbulence in the sphere of international interaction. A dynamic "mixture" of positive and negative (from the viewpoint of international security and sustainable economic growth) phenomena, intensification of international interaction against the background of strengthening international competition have led to the formation in 2014-2015 of a specific amalgamation of traditional, modern, and brand new trends in the development of Russia and her close neighbors.In the context of integration processes in Eurasian space, the multilateral cooperation within the CIS and EAEU formats presupposes a consolidation of all members' efforts to realize common goals. As far as Russia is concerned, her regional leadership is equal to the ability to serve as a model for typologically similar countries. The primary and most important condition of retaining Russia's influence upon both the CIS countries and the world community as a whole is an exemplary decision of problems of her own development, taking also into consideration the necessity to oppose external challenges.

The article evaluates the impact of domestic political regional imbalance and inter-elite divisions of Ukraine in its choice of guidelines for integration. The main sphere of Ukrainian economy is controlled by more than ten financial industrial groups that actively lobby their interests in the policy. The Ukrainian elite is far from establishing the optimal balance between "Western" and "Eastern" vectors of integration cooperation. We believe that the reduction of tension between «Western» and «Eastern» vectors of integration policy of Ukraine in the short term is unlikely. Apparently, the choice in favour of rapprochement with the EU has already been made. But the peculiarity of this choice is the lack of completeness, the more that the question of who and in what volume will be able to sponsor a «European path» of the Ukrainian elite remains open