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Abstract
Attending to the rise of halal economy and particularly halal certification initiatives in the region and globally, this paper asks why and how third-party certifiers would gain credibility and authority, and what does authority have to do with the work of entrepreneurs in the sector. Drawing on fieldwork conducted between 2012 and 2015, and interviews with entrepreneurs and a private halal certification agency in Kyrgyzstan as well as their accreditors in Kazakhstan, I pay close attention to the collective meaning-making deliberations that revolve around questions of what makes goods and services halal and also what makes one a 'good Muslim'. Certifiers and entrepreneurs come to form what I call a valuation circuit. In these circuits, they construct shared understandings of ethnical and behavioral norms for market actors, create and reinforce binaries around halal and haram, and rely on transnational network of religious authority as they attempt to valuate and measure compliance to halal standards.

Why has the Islamic economy, as a model of socioeconomic development, gained traction as a viable option? The existing literature suggests that the Islamic economy has been popularized by a combination of factors, including anticolonial movements, a global renewal of religiosity, and the activities of new social strata who merge piety with capitalist orientations. These approaches, however, tend to homogenize social actors, subsuming them under the overarching label of Islamism. In contrast, this article employs the lens of "intra-hegemonic struggles" to identify three competing orientations of Islamism and their manifestation in the economy. Drawing on eighteen months of fieldwork in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, it argues that this contestation motivates diverse segments of the society to create and engage in the Islamic economy, rather than any single state-driven or identity-based movement. The article synthesizes three otherwise isolated bodies of work: the political sociology of articulation, new theories of Islamism, and the concept of imaginaries from economic sociology.

This article examines how children relate to birth parents after separation and reunion, which often produce negative emotions and distort family support in adolescence and adulthood. In Kyrgyzstan, large-scale migration to urban areas and overseas, widespread poverty and a weak welfare state have generated the practice of informal kinship caregiving that enables primary caregivers living in poverty to temporarily migrate, leaving their babies and young children in the care of grandparents or other close relatives. A prolonged period of time passes before birth parents and children are reunited. Attachment theory is employed to understand and explain how under informal kinship caregiving, children can have varying emotional bonds with birth parents that affect social relationships later in life. The article aims to contribute towards an understanding of the dynamics of emotions in family relationships.