Transgenerational trauma refers to the situation where children are traumatizedby the experiences of their (grand)parents. It is a unique combination ofindividual, familial, and collective (cultural) traumatic processes. The intertwiningof these processes poses a particular representational challenge, onethat could be overcome by the comics medium. It was proposed by variousauthors that the visual language of comics is particularly useful for portrayingtraumatic experiences, such as the fragmentation of time, trauma's belatednessand the haunting presence of the past. In this article I analyse twographic novels, Heimat: A German Family Album by Nora Krug and Sunday'sChild by Serena Katt, both of which explore the transgenerational perpetratortrauma, and the roles the authors' families had during the Second World War.I show how the authors use representational and aesthetic choices that helpthem convey the process of fact-searching as well as emotional engagementand imagination that is characteristic for transgenerational trauma.
The concept of correct voting, which refers to a vote that is the same one that would have been made under conditions of full information, has been used to evaluate citizens' voting decisions in various settings. Most studies either focus on determining individual and situational predictors of correct voting or determining the correctness of voting via heuristics. Since heuristics can lead to better decision outcomes than systematic processes, the goal of this study was to analyze how different modes of decision-making strategies, as well as individual and situational characteristics, contribute to correct voting. To answer this question, an experiment was conducted in Croatia, a previously unstudied context for correct voting, in which participants gathered information on four parties in a mock election campaign. Results showed that higher political motivation and usage of compensatory decision-making strategies had a positive impact on the probability of casting a correct vote. However, direct effect of cognitive load was found for participants with low levels of political motivation, for which an increase in cognitive load resulted in 25% less probability of voting correctly.
The concept of correct voting, which refers to a vote that is the same one that would have been made under conditions of full information, has been used to evaluate citizens' voting decisions in various settings. Most studies either focus on determining individual and situational predictors of correct voting or determining the correctness of voting via heuristics. Since heuristics can lead to better decision outcomes than systematic processes, the goal of this study was to analyze how different modes of decision-making strategies, as well as individual and situational characteristics, contribute to correct voting. To answer this question, an experiment was conducted in Croatia, a previously unstudied context for correct voting, in which participants gathered information on four parties in a mock election campaign. Results showed that higher political motivation and usage of compensatory decision-making strategies had a positive impact on the probability of casting a correct vote. However, direct effect of cognitive load was found for participants with low levels of political motivation, for which an increase in cognitive load resulted in 25% less probability of voting correctly. ; Točno glasovanje definira se kao glasovanje koje je identično onome danom u uvjetima potpune informiranosti. Taj koncept je korišten za evaluaciju glasačkih odluka u nizu konteksta. Većina istraživanja usmjerava se na utvrđivanje individualnih i situacijskih prediktora točnog glasovanja ili na evaluaciju točnosti glasovanja putem mentalnih heuristika. S obzirom da heuristike mogu rezultirati kvalitetnijim odlukama od sustavnog procesa odlučivanja, cilj ovog istraživanja jest analizirati kako različiti procesi donošenja odluka, te različite individualne i situacijske karakteristike, doprinose točnom glasovanju. Kako bi se odgovorilo na taj cilj, proveden je eksperiment u hrvatskom kontekstu u kojem se do sada nije istraživalo točno glasovanje. Sudionici u eksperimentu prikupljali su informacije o četiri stranke tijekom lažne kampanje za ...
Ova doktorska disertacija bavi se glasovanjem, najočitijim oblikom političke participacije građana u modernom demokratskom poretku. Većina istraživanja biračkog ponašanja usmjerena je na proučavanje uzroka glasovanja te na procese oblikovanja stranačkih preferencija (Šiber, 1998b). Međutim, glasovanju možemo pristupiti kao političkoj odluci, a u tom slučaju se javlja pitanje kako tu odluku evaluirati. Potencijalni kriterij za evaluaciju možemo naći u konceptu točnog glasovanja (Lau i Redlawsk, 1997). Ukoliko građanin glasuje za onu stranku kojoj bi dao glas i kada bi bio suočen sa svim relevantnim političkim informacijama, možemo reći da je on točno glasovao. Koristeći kriterij točnog glasovanja možemo evaluirati građansko odlučivanje, ali i kvalitetu demokracije. Ovaj rad ima dva cilja. Kao prvo, zbog niza konceptualnih i operacionalnih nedostataka, on nudi rekonstrukciju koncepta točnog glasovanja. Kroz detaljno povezivanje spoznaja o biračkom ponašanju i pretpostavki modela predstavničke demokracije, uvodi se nova definicija točnog glasovanja, kao onog koji je dan stranci koja je u najvećoj mjeri bliska glasačevim preferencijama. Uz to, problematizira se korisnost ovog koncepta te njegov utjecaj na empirijska istraživanja građanskih kompetencija i na evaluaciju demokratskog poretka. Drugi cilj ovog rada je empirijski – provjeriti koje individualne i situacijske karakteristike doprinose točnom glasovanju. Očekivalo se kako će točnije glasovati sudionici s boljom političkom ekspertizom (visoka politička sofisticiranost i informiranost, visoka motivacija za politiku, više obrazovanje i niža dob), ali i oni koji donose odluke u jednostavnijem okruženju (niže kognitivno opterećenje i lakša politička pitanja). U tu svrhu provedeno je eksperimentalno istraživanje na 210 sudionika koji su sudjelovali u izmišljenoj političkoj kampanji. Tijekom kampanje su prikupljali podatke o strankama i na kraju su glasovali za jednu od njih. Rezultati su pokazali kako točnije glasuju sudionici s višom razinom političke informiranosti, zatim sudionici koji su koristili kompleksnije strategije odlučivanja i sudionici koji su suočeni s nižom razinom kognitivnog opterećenja. Neočekivano, dobiven je i efekt spola – žene točnije glasuju od muškaraca. U radu su ponuđena objašnjenja za nepotvrđene hipoteze i neočekivane rezultate, kao i potencijalna primjena dobivenih rezultata u javnom životu. ; Elections are the main characteristic of modern democracies; as of September 2016., 82 national elections took place this year and almost 650 million people voted. Adult citizens experience elections and participate in voting roughly once every four years. Ever since the empirical research in political science focused on voting behaviour the main focus of inquiry was the understanding of antecedents of vote choice as well as the long-term shaping of political preferences (Šiber, 1998). The vote itself can be conceptualized in many ways, such as a statement of group membership (e.g. Berelson, Lazarsfeld & McPhee, 1954), identification with the party (Campbell et al., 1964), as a choice between parties etc. If we approach the vote from a decision-making perspective, a question comes to mind – can we say what is the quality of that choice? In other words, can we evaluate the process and the outcome of the voting decision? This are rather hard questions which is not adequately addressed by researchers, both theoretically and empirically. In order to answer them, Lau and Redlawsk (1997) put forward the concept of correct voting – a vote that is the same as the one that would be given if a voter had all the relevant information. This doctoral thesis is concerned with that concept. It had two broad goals. First, a critique of the concept was put forward, as well as a conceptual reconstruction of correct voting. The new approach to the concept is more clear and better connected to both citizens' competences and democratic theory. The second goal was to study empirically the antecedents of correct voting. For this goal a laboratory experiment was conducted in which participants (N=210) participated in a mock electoral campaign at the end of which they had to vote. Participants differed in various socio-demographic and political characteristics and within the experiment cognitive load and type of political questions in the campaign were manipulated. Results showed that those participants that had better political knowledge, were exposed to lower cognitive load and used complex strategies of decision. Also, an unexpected result was found – women voted more correctly than men. In order to think about the criteria for evaluating the process of voting, one must first understand the relationship between voters and election within democracy. This requires that one chooses a model of democracy. There is an array of these models, and each one focuses on different aspects of the political regime. For the concept of correct voting the most adequate model is that of representative democracy. In this model, democracy is though about as a political system in which the citizens are sovereign, and a smaller group of representatives execute citizens' will. Representatives are chosen via regular competitive elections, and citizens should choose hose representatives that represent their interest in the best way. Other than choosing a model of democracy, we must choose a theoretical approach for political behaviour. We can identify five approaches (those based on personality, sociological model, socio-psychological model, economic-rational model and cognitive model), and within this research a cognitive approach is taken for studying political behaviour and decision-making. This model focuses on cognitive processes, such as evaluation of political candidates, mental strategies, biases, memory etc. The main idea of the cognitive approach is that all thinking is constrained by both biological aspects of the brain as well as the situational pressures (such as the amount of information). As a consequence, citizens will be prone to using mental shortcuts to simplify the political environment. Lau and Redlawsk's (1997) concept of correct voting could be used as a norm of political decision-making. It focuses on cognitive processes and offers an ideal outcome of political thinking which at the same time has implications for the functioning of representative democracy. If citizens choose their representatives correctly than democracy should function better than if that is not the case. However, there are several issues with this concept - there are two distinct conceptualizations and operationalisations of correct voting; authors focus more on the level of information than on the cognitive processes; their norm has within itself several descriptive aspects etc. This thesis puts forward a definition of correct voting – a correct vote is the one which is given to a representative whose political preferences are in the highest concordance with the voter's. Keeping the cognitive approach in mind, several individual and situational characteristics are identified as having a probable impact on the probability for voting correctly. It is expected that citizens who are more politically sophisticated, informed and motivated, as well as those who are better educated and younger should vote more correctly. Considering situational characteristics, higher cognitive load should lower the probability of voting correctly. Also the content, or type of political information, should have an impact on that probability. Political issues can be divided into easy/symbolic/moral and hard/instrumental/public policy. As the percentage of easy issues within a campaign increases so should the probability of casting a correct vote. In order to test these hypotheses an experiment was conducted in which participants participated in a mock election. They collected information about four parties and in the end voted for one of these. Last part of the thesis offers a discussion about the results, their political implications as well as guidelines for future research.
U radu se, na temelju podataka prikupljenih u istraživanjima u osam vremenskih točaka u proteklih dvadeset godina na reprezentativnom uzorku hrvatskih građana analizira stanje institucionalnog povjerenja u Hrvatskoj. Oslanjajući se na teorijske koncepte Davida Eastona i Pippe Norris te uvažavajući prethodne studije o institucionalnom povjerenju u Hrvatskoj, rad donosi i neke nove elemente. Dok većina prethodnih radova obuhvaća najviše tri točke mjerenja u kratkom vremenskom rasponu i analizi latentne strukture institucionalnog povjerenja pristupa kroz eksploratorni pristup, ovaj se rad temelji na analizi osam vremenskih točaka i analizira prikladnost postojećih teorijskih modela. Usto, analiza fluktuacija u razinama institucionalnog povjerenja temelji se na utvrđivanju invarijantnosti mjerenja, što je važan metodološki doprinos rada. Osnovni rezultati studije mogu se podijeliti u tri grupe. Prvo, na deskriptivnoj razini utvrdili smo da je povjerenje građana u pojedine institucije najčešće ispod srednje vrijednosti na ljestvici od 1 do 5, osim u slučajevima vojske i policije. Drugo, analiza pokazuje da hrvatski građani razlikuju dva tipa institucionalnog povjerenja – povjerenje u predstavničke institucije i povjerenje u institucije sigurnosti. Treće, analiza je pokazala kako se u razdoblju od 1999. do 2020. povjerenje građana u predstavničke institucije smanjilo, dok je povjerenje u institucije sigurnosti ostalo izrazito stabilnim. Na temelju toga moguće je izvesti dva važna zaključka. Ponajprije, korištenje invarijantnosti mjerenja trebalo bi postati standardom za buduća istraživanja povjerenja u kojima se uspoređuju različite vremenske točke. Potom, niska razina povjerenja u predstavničke institucije sugerira otuđenost građana od tih institucija i predstavlja problem funkcioniranju predstavničke demokracije u Hrvatskoj. ; This paper analyses the state of institutional trust (IT) in Croatia based on data on a representative sample of Croatian citizens in eight time points over the past 20 years. Based on ...
IN CROATIAN: U radu se, na temelju podataka prikupljenih u istraživanjima koja je u osam vremenskih točaka u proteklih dvadeset godina na reprezentativnom uzorku hrvatskih građana proveo Fakultet političkih znanosti, analizira stanje institucionalnog povjerenja u Hrvatskoj. Oslanjajući se na teorijske koncepte Davida Eastona i Pippe Norris te uvažavajući prethodne studije o institucionalnom povjerenju u Hrvatskoj, rad donosi i neke nove elemente. Dok većina prethodnih radova obuhvaća najviše tri točke mjerenja u kratkom vremenskom rasponu i analizi latentne strukture institucionalnog povjerenja pristupa kroz eksploratorni pristup, ovaj se rad temelji na analizi osam vremenskih točaka i analizira prikladnost postojećih teorijskih modela. Usto, analiza fluktuacija u razinama institucionalnog povjerenja temelji se na utvrđivanju invarijantnosti mjerenja, što je važan metodološki doprinos rada. Osnovni rezultati studije mogu se podijeliti u tri grupe. Prvo, na deskriptivnoj razini utvrdili smo da je povjerenje građana u pojedine institucije najčešće ispod srednje vrijednosti na ljestvici od 1 do 5, osim u slučajevima vojske i policije. Drugo, analiza pokazuje da hrvatski građani razlikuju dva tipa institucionalnog povjerenja – povjerenje u predstavničke institucije i povjerenje u institucije sigurnosti. Treće, analiza je pokazala kako se u razdoblju od 1999. do 2020. povjerenje građana u predstavničke institucije smanjilo, dok je povjerenje u institucije sigurnosti ostalo izrazito stabilno. Na temelju toga moguće je izvesti dva važna zaključka. Ponajprije, korištenje invarijantnosti mjerenja trebalo bi postati standardom za buduća istraživanja povjerenja u kojima se uspoređuju različite vremenske točke. Potom, niska razina povjerenja u predstavničke institucije sugerira otuđenost građana od tih institucija i predstavlja problem funkcioniranju predstavničke demokracije u Hrvatskoj. --- IN ENGLISH: This paper analyses the state of institutional trust (IT) in Croatia based on data collected by the Faculty of Political ...
U radu se, na temelju podataka prikupljenih u istraživanjima koja je u osam vremenskih točaka u proteklih dvadeset godina na reprezentativnom uzorku hrvatskih građana proveo Fakultet političkih znanosti, analizira stanje institucionalnog povjerenja u Hrvatskoj. Oslanjajući se na teorijske koncepte Davida Eastona i Pippe Norris te uvažavajući prethodne studije o institucionalnom povjerenju u Hrvatskoj, rad donosi i neke nove elemente. Dok većina prethodnih radova obuhvaća najviše tri točke mjerenja u kratkom vremenskom rasponu i analizi latentne strukture institucionalnog povjerenja pristupa kroz eksploratorni pristup, ovaj se rad temelji na analizi osam vremenskih točaka i analizira prikladnost postojećih teorijskih modela. Usto, analiza fluktuacija u razinama institucionalnog povjerenja temelji se na utvrđivanju invarijantnosti mjerenja, što je važan metodološki doprinos rada. Osnovni rezultati studije mogu se podijeliti u tri grupe. Prvo, na deskriptivnoj razini utvrdili smo da je povjerenje građana u pojedine institucije najčešće ispod srednje vrijednosti na ljestvici od 1 do 5, osim u slučajevima vojske i policije. Drugo, analiza pokazuje da hrvatski građani razlikuju dva tipa institucionalnog povjerenja – povjerenje u predstavničke institucije i povjerenje u institucije sigurnosti. Treće, analiza je pokazala kako se u razdoblju od 1999. do 2020. povjerenje građana u predstavničke institucije smanjilo, dok je povjerenje u institucije sigurnosti ostalo izrazito stabilno. Na temelju toga moguće je izvesti dva važna zaključka. Ponajprije, korištenje invarijantnosti mjerenja trebalo bi postati standardom za buduća istraživanja povjerenja u kojima se uspoređuju različite vremenske točke. Potom, niska razina povjerenja u predstavničke institucije sugerira otuđenost građana od tih institucija i predstavlja problem funkcioniranju predstavničke demokracije u Hrvatskoj. ; This paper analyses the state of institutional trust (IT) in Croatia based on data collected by the Faculty of Political Science on a representative ...
In the last thirty years uneasiness among scholars and political actors has been growing larger as more citizens demonstrate cynical attitudes. These citizens feel that politicians are immoral and incompetent, have less faith in democracy, and show lower levels of political participation. However, Peter Sloterdijk points out that the dominant view of cynicism is simplified. He divides cynical reason into two separate ways of thinking: cynicism and kynicism. The main difference between them is in individual's reaction to the cleavage between public ideological mask and individual's idea of social reality. Cynics persist in keeping the ideological mask on and have an "enlightened false consciousness", while kynics highlight this cleavage, oppose the dominant ideology and point out misuses of political power. This research was conducted with the goal of creating cynicism and kynicism scales. Their validity was tested for two samples - a smaller sample of students and later on the representative sample of Croatian citizens (N=1002). Also, connection of cynical and kynical thought with an array of relevant political attitudes and political behavior was tested. Results indicate that cynicism and kynicism are relatively separated and coherent types of political thought. Kynicism is primarily related to low trust in political institutions, but also to lower support of democracy. Specific combinations of these two types of thought have a highly negative potential for abandoning the democratic way of thinking. This work offers an empirical confirmation for Sloterdijk's model, and confirms usefulness of it in understanding political thought and behavior of Croatian citizens.
AbstractThis article aims to understand the organisational practices of digital political actions on 4chan's /pol/ (Politically Incorrect) board, as well as the underlying worldview within which those actions were nested. By using a qualitative thematic analysis of 21 threads, several themes were identified regarding preferred goals, methods, content, dissemination strategies, and worldview of intentional, orchestrated political actions with supposed real-world effects. Results show that the observed political actions were bottom-up, non-hierarchical, and collective actions, through which collective identity was established despite the almost complete anonymity of the /pol/ board. Additionally, the political actions were marked by the negative perception of Western liberal democracy, extremely negative attitudes toward the Left, minorities, and progressive liberals, antisemitism, and racism - values closely related to the far-right. Although the goals of /pol/ political actions differ, the dominant broader goal is to "redpill the normies" - indoctrinate the general population into denouncing liberal democratic ideology and accepting the far-right worldview.
The goal of this paper is to examine the relationship between the unidimensional left-right measure of ideology and more nuanced measures of major political ideologies as well as to ascertain the validity of the left-right measure of ideology as a conceptual tool for analysing ideological preferences within the Croatian context. This was accomplished by deploying an online questionnaire on a convenient, non-representative sample of students from the University of Zagreb, Croatia. The students were recruited via various social media student groups. The paper starts by theoretically exploring the six major ideologies from which it develops a pool of items for measuring said ideologies. The data acquired via the aforementioned questionnaires was then analysed with the goal of assessing the best items to measure each ideology. The paper goes on to assess the relationship between the respondents' support of major ideologies and their self-positioning on the left-right ideology scale. The acquired results demonstrate that the respondents possess a general understanding of the ideological left-to-right scale and are coherent in their preferences with the values of their ideology of choice. They further demonstrate that the correlations between the participants' self-positioning on the left-right continuum and level of support for particular ideologies follow the expected direction. Therefore, while taking the limits of the deployed sample type into account, the paper reaffirms the validity of the left-right measure of ideology as a conceptual tool for analysing ideological preferences within the Croatian context.
The goal of this paper is to examine the relationship between the unidimensional left-right measure of ideology and more nuanced measures of major political ideologies as well as to ascertain the validity of the left-right measure of ideology as a conceptual tool for analysing ideological preferences within the Croatian context. This was accomplished by deploying an online questionnaire on a convenient, non-representative sample of students from the University of Zagreb, Croatia. The students were recruited via various social media student groups. The paper starts by theoretically exploring the six major ideologies from which it develops a pool of items for measuring said ideologies. The data acquired via the aforementioned questionnaires was then analysed with the goal of assessing the best items to measure each ideology. The paper goes on to assess the relationship between the respondents' support of major ideologies and their self-positioning on the left-right ideology scale. The acquired results demonstrate that the respondents possess a general understanding of the ideological left-to-right scale and are coherent in their preferences with the values of their ideology of choice. They further demonstrate that the correlations between the participants' self-positioning on the left-right continuum and level of support for particular ideologies follow the expected direction. Therefore, while taking the limits of the deployed sample type into account, the paper reaffirms the validity of the left-right measure of ideology as a conceptual tool for analysing ideological preferences within the Croatian context.
IN ENGLISH: The innovation of this paper lies in the fact that for the first time young people's perceptions about radicalism were studied. Encouraged with the unclear and confusing use of the term radicalisation, the general lack of empirical studies on the topic of radicalisation (Borum, 2011; Dalgaard-Nielsen, 2010), and relying on the existing literature which suggests that young people have been particularly prone to radicalisation (Özerdem & Podder, 2011; Costanza, 2015), we conducted empirical research to reveal what young people in Croatia understand under the term "radical" and what they perceive as elementary characteristics of radical individuals. One of the incentives for this research was to see what young people understand as being radical and what is mainstream from their perspective. To get these answers we conducted six focus groups among young people between 15 and 30 from five Croatian cities and towns. The research confirmed that the radicalisation process is highly context dependent, and it pointed to the presence of a corrosive apathy among Croatian youth. Furthermore, the findings suggested that both mainstream and radical young people were viewed equally negative. In addition, describing a radical person, young people in Croatia confirmed that radicalisation has many different faces and that it can also be non-violent. Therefore, this paper could serve as a starting point for researchers particularly interested in non-violent radicalisation in non-Western contexts. --- IN CROATIAN: U ovome su članku po prvi put istraživane percepcije mladih o radikalizmu. Potaknuti nejasnom i dvosmislenom upotrebom termina radikalizacija, općenitim nedostatkom empirijskih istraživanja na ovu temu (Borum, 2011; Dalgaard-Nielsen, 2010), te oslanjajući se na postojeću literaturu koja upućuje na mlade kao osobito podložne radikalizaciji (Özerdem & Podder, 2011; Costanza, 2015), proveli smo empirijsko istraživanje s ciljem otkrivanja što mladi u Hrvatskoj podrazumijevaju pod terminom "radikalan" i što percipiraju kao osnovna obilježja radikalnih pojedinaca. Jedan od poticaja istraživanju bila je želja za uvidom u ono što mladi iz svoje perspektive shvaćaju kao radikalno, odnosno kao mainstream. Da bismo dobili odgovore, proveli smo šest fokus grupa među mladima starosti od 15 do 30 godina iz pet hrvatskih gradova. Istraživanje je potvrdilo da je proces radikalizacije izrazito ovisan o kontekstu te je ukazao na prisutnost apatije među mladima u Hrvatskoj. Nadalje, nalazi upućuju da mladi u Hrvatskoj podjednako negativno percipiraju i mainstream, i radikalne mlade. Također, opisujući radikalnog pojedinca, mladi su potvrdili da radikalizacija ima mnogo različitih lica te da može postojati i u nenasilnom obliku. Stoga, rad može poslužiti kao polazište za daljnja istraživanja, posebno ona koja se bave nenasilnom radikalizacijom u nezapadnim kontekstima.
IN ENGLISH: Low levels of trust in institutions in a post-socialist context is a relatively well-documented finding across various disciplines. Building upon this, the paper adds new insights to this discussion by contextualizing institutional trust amidst the COVID-19 pandemic in Croatia. Relying on the results from the national probabilistic sample, the authors explore how three sets of predictors – socio-demographic variables, individual characteristics (i.e., motivational orientations of authoritarianism and social dominance), and participants' experiences during the coronavirus pandemic determine the level of trust in public institutions. Results unequivocally showcase a fairly weak relationship between authoritarianism and social dominance orientation with institutional trust, unlike situational experiences, which play the most significant role in explaining levels of institutional trust. Contrary to authors' expectations, adherence to measures and worries about catching the COVID-19 disease in the future were not predictive for institutional trust. --- IN CROATIAN: Niska razina povjerenja u institucije u postsocijalističkom je kontekstu relativno dobro dokumentiran nalaz u različitim disciplinama. Temeljem toga, članak dodaje nove uvide u ovu raspravu, stavljajući u kontekst institucionalno povjerenje tijekom COVID-19 pandemije u Hrvatskoj. Oslanjajući se na rezultate iz nacionalnog probabilističkog uzorka, autori istražuju kako tri skupa prediktora – socio-demografske varijable, individualne karakteristike (npr., motivacijske orijentacije autoritarnosti i društvene dominacije), te iskustva sudionika tijekom pandemije koronavirusa određuju razinu povjerenja u javne institucije. Rezultati jednoglasno pokazuju prilično slabu vezu između autoritarnosti i društvene dominacije i institucionalnog povjerenja, za razliku od situacijskih iskustava koja igraju najvažniju ulogu u objašnjavanju razina institucionalnoga povjerenja. Suprotno očekivanjima autora, poštivanje mjera i zabrinutost zbog obolijevanja od ...
Research suggests that belief in conspiracy theories (CT) stems from basic psychological mechanisms and is linked to other belief systems (e.g., religious beliefs). While previous research has extensively examined individual and contextual variables associated with CT beliefs, it has not yet investigated the role of culture. In the current research, we tested, based on a situated cultural cognition perspective, the extent to which culture predicts CT beliefs. Using Hofstede's model of cultural values, three nation‐level analyses of data from 25, 19, and 18 countries using different measures of CT beliefs (Study 1, N = 5323; Study 2a, N = 12,255; Study 2b, N = 30,994) revealed positive associations between masculinity, collectivism, and CT beliefs. A cross‐sectional study among U.S. citizens (Study 3, N = 350), using individual‐level measures of Hofstede's values, replicated these findings. A meta‐analysis of correlations across studies corroborated the presence of positive links between CT beliefs, collectivism, r = .31, 95% CI = [.15; .47], and masculinity, r = .39, 95% CI = [.18; .59]. Our results suggest that in addition to individual differences and contextual variables, cultural factors also play an important role in shaping CT beliefs.
