Suchergebnisse

Ende der 90er Jahre sank das Bevölkerungswachstum auf unter 2%, während der Anteil Empfängnisverhütung betreibender Familien auf 59% anstieg (1979: 19,5%). Anhand von offiziellen Statistiken, Interviews, die zwischen 1993 und 1995 in Marokko geführt wurden, und Presseberichten untersucht die Autorin die Zusammenhänge zwischen den beiden Sachverhalten und analysiert weitere sozioökonomische Indikatoren, die mit Fertilitätsraten korrelieren (Urbanisierung, Bildung und Berufstätigkeit von Frauen). Schließlich weist sie auf verändertes Sexualverhalten von Frauen hin, das statistisch noch nicht belegbar ist (außerehelicher Sex, Prostitution, Abtreibung), sowie auf die statisch gebliebenen öffentlichen Moralvorstellungen. (DÜI-Cls)

The International Conference on Population and Development held in Cairo in September 1994 focused world attention on the interplay of religion, family-planning methods, and women's status. The most hotly debated topic of the conference was abortion. Before the conference convened, newspapers in the West and in the Middle East reported "a growing religious furor" that spurred an alliance between Muslim nations and the Vatican based on a common belief in the prohibition of abortion and concern for Western sexual mores. At the conference, Muslim delegations abandoned their slogans and moved away from the Vatican position by denouncing abortion as a method of family planning but leaving open its use under specific circumstances. Although a majority of Muslims worldwide agree with the stance taken at the population conference, and most would state that Islam forbids abortion, the Muslim theological position on abortion does not approximate the Roman Catholic condemnation of the practice. A full prohibition of abortion represents neither the sophisticated Muslim jurisprudence literature on abortion nor current practices of some Muslim women. Discussion with Muslim women and Muslim religious scholars (ʿulamāʾ) about the intricacies of the issues that abortion raises tells us that the question is not simple, consensus is far from being reached, and political concerns further complicate understanding of the paradoxical issues involved.

The First Political Order -- The First Political Order Is the Sexual Political Order -- The Oldest Security Provision Mechanism -- Assessing the Patrilineal/Fraternal Syndrome Today -- The Effects of the First Political Order on Governance and National Security -- The Effects of the Syndrome, Part I: Governance and National Security -- The Tremors Caused by Obstructed Marriage Markets: A Closer Look -- The Effects of the Syndrome, Part II: Human, Economic, and Environmental -- Security -- The Effects by the Numbers: The Syndrome and Measures of National Outcomes -- Change -- Change: Historical Successes and Failures -- Conclusions and Contemporary Applications.

We propose that the relative influence of clans is an important explanatory factor producing significant variation in state stability and security across societies. We explore the micro-level processes that link clan predominance with dysfunctional syndromes of state behavior. Clans typically privilege agnatic descent from the patriline and are characterized by extreme subordination of women effected through marriage practices. Particular types of marriage practices give rise to particular types of political orders and may be fiercely guarded for just this reason. We construct and validate a Clan Governance Index to investigate which variables related to women's subordination to the patriline in marriage are useful to include in such an index. We then show that clan governance is a useful predictor of indicators of state stability and security, and we probe the value added by its inclusion with other conventional explanatory variables often linked to state stability and security."I against my brothers; my brothers and I against my cousins; my cousins, my brothers, and I against the world" (Bedouin saying)"At the heart of tribes, to varying levels, is a severe patriarchy" (Jacobson 2013, 58).