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In: Cambridge studies in law and society
This book responds to the often loud debates about the place of Muslims in Western Europe by proposing an analysis based in institutions, including schools, courts, hospitals, the military, electoral politics, the labor market, and civic education courses. The contributors consider the way people draw on practical schemas regarding others in their midst who are often categorized as Muslims. Chapters based on fieldwork and policy analysis across several countries examine how people interact in their everyday work lives, where they construct moral boundaries, and how they formulate policies concerning tolerable diversity, immigration, discrimination, and political representation. Rather than assuming that each country has its own national ideology that explains such interactions, contributors trace diverse pathways along which institutions complicate or disrupt allegedly consistent national ideologies. These studies shed light on how Muslims encounter particular faces and facets of the state as they go about their lives, seeking help and legitimacy as new citizens of a fast-changing Europe
In: A Boston review book
The French government's 2004 decision to ban Islamic headscarves and other religious signs from public schools puzzled many observers, both because it seemed to infringe needlessly on religious freedom, and because it was hailed by many in France as an answer to a surprisingly wide range of social ills, from violence against females in poor suburbs to anti-Semitism. Why the French Don't Like Headscarves explains why headscarves on schoolgirls caused such a furor, and why the furor yielded this law. Making sense of the dramatic debate from his perspective as an American anthropologist
In: Princeton Studies in Muslim Politics
Can Islam Be French? is an anthropological examination of how Muslims are responding to the conditions of life in France. Following up on his book Why the French Don't Like Headscarves, John Bowen turns his attention away from the perspectives of French non-Muslims to focus on those of the country's Muslims themselves. Bowen asks not the usual question--how well are Muslims integrating in France?--but, rather, how do French Muslims think about Islam? In particular, Bowen examines how French Muslims are fashioning new Islamic institutions and developing new ways of reasoning and teaching. He l
In: Politics and religion: official journal of the APSA Organized Section on Religion and Politics, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 874-877
ISSN: 1755-0491
In: American anthropologist: AA, Band 116, Heft 2, S. 479-479
ISSN: 1548-1433
In: Comparative studies in society and history, Band 55, Heft 4, S. 1022-1023
ISSN: 1475-2999
In: Democracy and Islam in Indonesia, S. 149-167
In: Democracy and Islam in Indonesia
In: Comparative European politics, Band 10, Heft 3, S. 354-368
ISSN: 1740-388X
In: Comparative European politics: CEP, Band 10, Heft 3, S. 354-369
ISSN: 1472-4790
In: Political and legal anthropology review: PoLAR, Band 34, Heft 1, S. 182-185
ISSN: 1555-2934
In: Social research: an international quarterly, Band 78, Heft 2, S. 325-348
ISSN: 0037-783X
In: American behavioral scientist: ABS, Band 55, Heft 12, S. 1601-1615
ISSN: 1552-3381
The article examines the ways Islamic leaders have adapted to conditions in Britain, France, and the United States by taking one problem—how a Muslim woman can obtain a religious divorce—and identifying contrasts across those three countries. It emphasizes two contrasts among the three countries: the degree of residential concentration of Muslims and the social effects such concentration may have, and the legal legitimacy of religion in civil courts. Muslim leaders have crafted institutions accordingly: in Britain, shariah councils emerging from tight-knit communities and regarded by jurists as relatively benign; in France, Islamic leaders constrained to emphasize the Islamic legitimacy of civil institutions; and in the United States, leaders developing contractual instruments in response to relatively favorable judicial reactions.