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The impact of political advertising is much debated. Those studies that have attempted to assess its role in the mix of information available to the voter have clouded the question with contradictory results. This research suggests that the issue may not only be how the voter decides, but also when the voter decides. For those voters with strong partisan leanings, campaign information usually reinforces preference. Those who decide during the campaign typically make use of available information from a variety of sources, including political advertising. However, it is the undecided, those who come to decision during the waning hours of the campaign, who may be most affecteded by the candidate's last-minute advertising blitz. In an exit-poll survey of 414 Seattle area voters, 102 were identified as "late deciders." As a group they were more likely to mention political advertising as helping them decide, better able to recall and identify specific political ads than those who decided either early or during the campaign. While "attack" advertising was the best recalled political advertising, it worked against its sponsors, galvanizing the "against" vote among late deciders.

This research analyzes inclusion, portrayal, and integration of minorities in mainstream magazine advertising. Nine mass-circulation magazines for 1987 and 1992 constituted the sample frame: four issues of each magazine for each year for a total of seventy-two issues, yielding 1, 969 "populated" advertisements. Each ad was examined for minority presence, gender, age, occupation, and product category. When minorities and Whites appeared together in the same ad, the relationship depicted was also coded. Overall, when compared with earlier studies, the number of Black models used in magazine advertisements has increased. The use of Hispanic and Asian models was extremely small. There were few differences in portrayal by gender or age. Blacks were more likely to appear as athletes or musicians and to be featured in public-service or government-sponsored ads. In mixed-ethnic ads, Whites typically outnumbered minorities, and the relationships depicted were set in formal or work settings with very little face-to-face interaction.

Telephone interviews were conducted with 512 voters in southcentral Wisc & northeastern Colo to assess their reactions to TV pol'al advertising aired during the 1970 gubernatorial campaign. The pattern of findings indicate that a sharp distinction must be drawn between both quantity & quality in the presentation & the reception of advertising messages. Voters tended to view a greater number of ads for the candidate who was advertising most heavily, & the pervasiveness of TV spot advertising apparently overcame selective exposure tendencies. However, relative frequencies of presentation did not affect attention levels, as voters gave closer attention to those ads that entertained them or fulfilled their needs for informational material. There was some evidence of predispositional selectivity among a limited number of partisans when relative attention was examined, but most voters paid equal attention to the ads of each candidate & didn't avoid the opposition's ads. While relative exposure frequency was unrelated to learning about candidates' personality, qualifications, & issue positioons, there were moderate correlations between attention levels & these variables. Voters tended to learn more about their favored candidate; information gain was also associated with the entertainment value of the ads & informational reasons for viewing pol'al advertising. These same factors were related to shifts in voting intention. About 33.3% of the partisan R's reported that their own candidate's ads strengthened their intention to vote for him; almost as many indicated that the opposing candidate's ads produced a negative reaction. Among R's who made their voting decision after seeing pol'al advertising, more than half felt that the chosen candidate's ads helped them in their decision-making; many voters also said that the opponent's ads were a factor affecting their decision. The results suggest that a moderate number of high-quality, substantively informative advertisements may be more effective than a saturation presentation of superficial image-oriented spots. AA.

Campaign workers paid significantly greater heed to both newspaper and television advertising of both candidates than did the voting public.