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Despite some of the most sophisticated computer systems known to mankind, modern life can be infuriating -- and it's getting worse. But there is a growing suspicion that, despite all the investment in IT and organization we have seen, we live with the same old problems we always have done. Why are we still addicted to oil and petrol despite the disastrous consequences? Why, three generations after the Beveridge Report, are his Five Giants -- Want, Disease, Idleness, Ignorance and Squalor -- still so much with us? Why did teenage pregnancies go up despite the UK government spending up to GBP100 million over a decade to prevent them? Why do so few of the public clocks tell the right time or train lavatories have water in their taps? There is a growing understanding, not that people are infallible, or that they are endlessly trustworthy and benevolent -- but they are nonetheless what makes change possible. This book uses this idea to set out the Ten New Rules for organizations, reveals where they are working already -- with the latest developments in ideas like system thinking and co-production. It explains the future in terms of the People Principle: If you employ imaginative and effective people, especially on the frontline, and give them the freedom to innovate, they will succeed. If you don't, they will fail.

AbstractHenry George and Jane Jacobs were both journalists and made a contribution to economics based on their commitment to the original version of free trade, as understood by 19th‐century liberals, rather than the late 20th‐century version. The distinctive concept of free trade, as originally understood, was as an instrument for small‐scale producers to break up entrenched monopolies and serve the interests of the ordinary citizen. That was how Cobden used it in the debates over the Corn Laws in the 1840s, and how Ruskin, Gesell, Chesterton, and other critics conceived of economic liberation. In debates over free trade in recent decades, that term has come to mean a defense of power and privilege, the exact opposite of the intent of 19th‐century liberals. George and Jacobs sought to restore the original meaning by developing theories of development and distribution that would enable the market system to benefit everyone.

Imagine that you had to pay for medical treatment - not in money, but through helping others. That wasn't how the welfare state was intended to work - but it is an idea being explored at the liberal end of US politics, by philanthropists and professionalslike Edgar Cahn. "Co-production" may turn out to be relevant to one of the central questions facing the "Blair project": why, despite big injections of cash, are the problems that the giant welfare bureaucracies were set up to tackle as bad as ever? (Quotes from original text)

Dragged reluctantly into the debate over Khmer Rouge accountability, the United Nations Secretariat has spent the last five years attempting to find a mutually acceptable judicial structure to try the leaders of the former government of Cambodia for international crimes committed between 1975 and 1979.In response to a request for aid from the Cambodian government in June 1997, the UN originally came down in favour of establishing a thirdad hocInternational Criminal Tribunal. Taking that proposal as a starting point, this paper documents the series of events leading the Organisation towards unwilling participation in potentially unjust domestic trials after Cambodia's refusal of the UN proposal. Each time the negotiations seemed to have broken down, the UN and Cambodia came under pressure from certain Member States to return to the negotiating table. Beset with its responsibility in supporting the Khmer Rouge after the Vietnamese invasion in 1979, the UN compromised successively concerning the nature of the court (part 3) and its structure (part 4). A consensus finally seemed to have been reached in July 2000, when a UN negotiating team left Phnom Penh with a draft Memorandum of Understanding concerning 'significant international co-operation' in trials before 'Extraordinary Chambers' of the Cambodian courts (the 'draft MOU'). However, the law finally promulgated on 10 August 2001 in order to set up these Chambers (the 'Tribunal Law') was not entirely consistent with the terms of the draft MOU, the exact legal status of which then became a bone of contention (part 5).