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Abstract
Relevant data resources are critical for ai-supported decision-making. Thus, control over data, and how that moves across borders, has become a key point of international dispute. This article analyses the EU's international legal positionings regarding cross-border data flows in the context of an increasingly fierce global battle over data resources. It also asks whether the EU approach to data government, which is reflected in its international positionings, can contribute to address the pressing problem of the unequal distribution of the gains of the data driven economy in and among states. The article argues that EU's approach to data government is ridden with contradictions and that its centrepiece, the data protection framework, is best understood as a non-performative. This non-performativity, together with the determination to climb up the ladders of global digital value chains, makes the EU's position on cross-border data flows ambiguous and downgrades its punch in international negotiations.

This article initially accounts for the discussions concerning the notions 'ethnic origin' and 'race' that have taken place in the Swedish legislative context and places these within a wider European context. Next follows a mapping of the ways in which Swedish courts, in cases of alleged ethnic discrimination, read the notion of 'ethnic affiliation' – defined as 'national or ethnic origin, skin colour, or other similar circumstance' – and decide whether a statement or an act is related to it. The purpose, to borrow Michel Foucault's words, is to 'make visible precisely what is visible'. By bringing together, arranging and connecting what the courts have said about 'ethnic affiliation', the conclusions they have reached and the circumstances that they have ignored, three observations are made: (a) ethnic affiliation is treated as an authentic and stable personal individual attribute, (b) ethnic affiliation is seen as a question about body types and bloodlines solely and (c) discriminatory acts are connected to 'ethnic affiliation' only if related to visual appearance or accompanied by 'incriminating words'. The article discusses and analyzes the significance and implications of these observations in engagement with theorists such as Barnor Hesse and David Theo Goldberg.

This article initially accounts for the discussions concerning the notions 'ethnic origin' and 'race' that have taken place in the Swedish legislative context and places these within a wider European context. Next follows a mapping of the ways in which Swedish courts, in cases of alleged ethnic discrimination, read the notion of 'ethnic affiliation' – defined as 'national or ethnic origin, skin colour, or other similar circumstance' – and decide whether a statement or an act is related to it. The purpose, to borrow Michel Foucault's words, is to 'make visible precisely what is visible'. By bringing together, arranging and connecting what the courts have said about 'ethnic affiliation', the conclusions they have reached and the circumstances that they have ignored, three observations are made: (a) ethnic affiliation is treated as an authentic and stable personal individual attribute, (b) ethnic affiliation is seen as a question about body types and bloodlines solely and (c) discriminatory acts are connected to 'ethnic affiliation' only if related to visual appearance or accompanied by 'incriminating words'. The article discusses and analyzes the significance and implications of these observations in engagement with theorists such as Barnor Hesse and David Theo Goldberg.

Reading Political Theology in light of the later developed concrete-order thinking, this essay draws attention to the understanding of law, which allows Schmitt to present the sovereign as simultaneously standing inside and outside the legal order. In addition, the particular way of ordering the political community, which Schmitt's notion of sovereignty advances, is also explored. The essay suggests that the truly problematic feature of Schmitt's notion of sovereignty, is not its purported a-, extra-, or illegality, but the hierarchical structure of authority presupposed by it, the function of which is to control who can speak in the name of the people and negotiate the character of the socio-legal order.

This article investigates the historical development and transformation of Swedish integration policy, including its predecessor immigrant policy, as a "biopolitics of the population". "Biopolitics of the population" refers in this article to all governmental interventions targeting the population, or parts of it, with a view to producing a collective body of a particular quality and identity. Swedish integration policy is thus analyzed in order to answer questions such as: how has the population been embodied over time? How has the Swedish grammar of multiplicity and fragmentation changed? Which groups within the population have been considered to be in need of incorporation? Why has the attachment of these groups to the collective body been seen as precarious and/or questionable?

Drawing on Security, Territory, Population and The Birth of Biopolitics, this article aims, firstly, to consolidate our understanding of Foucault's engagement with law by fleshing out his approach to law and by clarifying that he distinguishes between different kinds of law on the basis of the objectives that law serves and the regime of truth that it embodies. Secondly, using this understanding, the article proceeds to illustrate how the objectives and the regime of truth of the EU internal market law have been displaced in the last few decades. It is argued that this body of law has increasingly come to perform the tasks of law in neoliberal government as pointed out by Foucault in these lectures, namely of expanding the domain of market values and mechanisms, and of restricting the exercise of legitimate government by opposing the rule of law to planning. In this regard, particular attention is paid to the way in which justiciable rights function as a technology of neoliberal rule within the internal market.

Drawing on Security, Territory, Population and The Birth of Biopolitics, this article aims, firstly, to consolidate our understanding of Foucault's engagement with law by fleshing out his approach to law and by clarifying that he distinguishes between different kinds of law on the basis of the objectives that law serves and the regime of truth that it embodies. Secondly, using this understanding, the article proceeds to analyze the transformation of EU internal market law in the last few decades and to argue that this body of law today performs the tasks of law in neoliberal government as pointed out by Foucault in these lectures, namely of expanding the domain of market values and mechanisms, and of restricting the exercise of legitimate government by opposing the rule of law to planning. In this analysis, particular attention is paid to the way in which justiciable rights function as a technology of neoliberal rule within the internal market.

What does Carl Schmitt have to offer to ongoing debates about sovereignty, globalization, spatiality, the nature of the political, and political theology? Can Schmitt's positions and concepts offer insights that might help us understand our concrete present-day situation? Works on Schmitt usually limit themselves to historically isolating Schmitt into his Weimar or post-Weimar context, to reading him together with classics of political and legal philosophy, or to focusing exclusively on a particular aspect of Schmitt's writings. Bringing together an international, and interdisciplinary, range of contributors, this book explores the question of Schmitt's relevance for an understanding of the contemporary world. Engaging the background and intellectual context in which Schmitt wrote his major works - often with reference to both primary and secondary literature unavailable in English - this book will be of enormous interest to legal and political theorists

Analyses the political and legal power of 'the people' in contemporary democratic societiesPresents interdisciplinary perspectives from legal theory, political theory, and the history of ideasBrings together an international range of contributors from Europe, North America and Latin AmericaProvides in-depth analyses of contemporary problems that afflict constitutional democracies globallyIncludes a lead essay by Benjamin Arditi, a leading global expert on populism and popular sovereigntyRecent social and political developments, including the presidential elections in the United States, antidemocratic state policies in Hungary and Poland, and the political climate in the rest of Europe have brought questions relating to the position and composition of 'the people' in constitutional democracies to the forefront. This book confronts these questions head on as leading scholars across the fields of law, legal theory, political theory and history explore the contemporary problems facing constitutional democracies.With a strong focus on constitutional law, this book examines the legal as well as the political power of 'the people' in constitutional democracies. Bringing together an international range of contributors from the USA, Latin America, the UK and continental Europe, it explores the complex relationship between constitutional democracy and 'the people'. Contributors explore this relationship through the lens of radical democracy, engaging with the work of key figures such as Hannah Arendt, Carl Schmitt, Claude Lefort and Jacques Rancière