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O'Leary's authoritative treatment of the history of Northern Ireland and its current prospects is genuinely unique. Beginning with an in-depth account of the scale of the recent conflict, he sets out to explain why Northern Ireland recently had the highest incidence of political violence in twentieth-century western Europe.

The author argues there is no such thing as a "normal democracy", and that the decision made by the European Court of Human Rights in Sejdić-Finci case does not pay enough respect to consociational democracy as one of the legitimate forms of democracy. As human rights have to be balanced against one another, they also have to be balanced against other values, including peace and stability. As the practical solution in the election of the three-person collective Presidency in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author suggests three separate electoral colleges in the three territorial districts that would settle the tension between the politically viable power-sharing arrangements and the demand to respect human rights. The author concludes that more moral modesty is in place when foreign political advice in democratic constitutional design is issued for the divided societies.

The author argues there is no such thing as a "normal democracy", and that the decision made by the European Court of Human Rights in Sejdić-Finci case does not pay enough respect to consociational democracy as one of the legitimate forms of democracy. As human rights have to be balanced against one another, they also have to be balanced against other values, including peace and stability. As the practical solution in the election of the three-person collective Presidency in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author suggests three separate electoral colleges in the three territorial districts that would settle the tension between the politically viable power-sharing arrangements and the demand to respect human rights. The author concludes that more moral modesty is in place when foreign political advice in democratic constitutional design is issued for the divided societies. ; Autor tvrdi da ne postoji tako nešto poput "normalne demokracije" te da odluka Europskog suda za ljudska prava u slučaju Sejdić-Finci ne uvažava dovoljno konsocijacijsku demokraciju kao jedan od legitimnih oblika demokracije. Kao što se ljudska prava moraju uravnotežiti jedna s drugima, tako se moraju uravnotežiti i s drugim vrijednostima, uključujući mir i stabilnost. Kao praktično rješenje u izborima tročlanoga kolektivnog predsjedništva u Bosni i Hercegovini, autor predlaže tri odvojena izbornička kolegija u trima teritorijalnim okruzima, što bi riješilo napetost između politički održivih aranžmana za podjelu vlasti i zahtjeva za poštivanjem ljudskih prava. Autor zaključuje kako je potrebno više moralne skromnosti kada se podijeljenim društvima daju inozemni politički savjeti o demokratskom ustavnom dizajnu.

AbstractConsociation, one type of power‐sharing, is perhaps the least appreciated. This article reviews and replies to a collection celebrating Arend Lijphart's pioneering article on consociational democracy published in 1969. The consociational perspective retains its interpretive power, including in the examination of major polities, such as the European Union, the Indian Union, and the USA. In the classical cases, consociational persistence in Belgium and Switzerland contrasts with decay or dissolution in Austria and the Netherlands. Whether the Good Friday Agreement over Northern Ireland demonstrates that consociation rewards ethnic extremism remains unproven. Far from being an exhausted research program, the consociational theme remains vibrant within comparative political analysis, and in the repertoire for managing deeply divided places. No one has ever claimed that consociation is a panacea for national, ethnic, religious or linguistic conflict. Yet the principles of parity, proportionality, autonomy, and minority veto‐rights remain cogent in analysis and political prescription.

Walker Connor was born in 1926, and was contemporaneous with my own father, so not surprisingly he was a father figure to me. Unlike my own father Walker made it past 90. Those of us privileged to have been Walker's friend will miss his mischievous humor and twinkling eyes, and his fondness for combining rich conversation with craft beers. Indeed his son Dan told me Walker deliberately had a beer a couple of days before he died. All will be pleased to know that he remained possessed of his faculties and character to the end. He is survived by his two sons Peter and Dan Connor, and their partners; by his daughter, Professor Joan Connor of Athens, Ohio, who has inherited her parents' writings skills; and by Joan's son, Nils Walker (Kerry) Wessell, who is with us today.

AbstractNorthern Ireland and Scotland could and should stay within the European Union while remaining inside the United Kingdom. This proposal need not prevent, and may facilitate, England and Wales in leaving the EU, and it is in accordance with the respective preferences of the peoples of the two Unions who voted in the advisory referendum held on 23 June 2016. Prime Minister May and her Cabinet should address carefully the question of whether to trigger Article 50, or instead to give notice that only parts of the UK—England and Wales—will be leaving the EU. The price of enforcing the entirety of the UK's exit from the EU may be lasting damage to the two Unions that make up the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.