Suchergebnisse

O trabalho apresenta a evolução da relação bilateral entre Brasil e Cuba entre 2008 e 2016, superando a distância entre os países. A política externa do governo de Lula foi propositiva às relações regionais, fomentou integração latino-americana a partir da CELAC, que inclui Cuba no diálogo regional, e efetuou aproximação política, econômica e ideológica entre os dois países. A política externa de Rousseff sucedeu-se em termos pragmáticos, assegurando ganhos a ambos os países. Entre eles: os investimentos brasileiros na modernização do Porto de Mariel e a construção da Zona Econômica; o crescimento singular do comércio bilateral e instalação de empresas brasileiras na ilha; além da cooperação na área da saúde, o recrutamento de 11.429 médicos para atuarem em áreas carentes do território brasileiro. A densidade e natureza pragmática desta relação foram fundamentais para a consolidação da política entre Brasil e Cuba, mas enfrenta entraves do governo de Michel Temer, cuja política externa é guinada aos países do Norte, sendo possível identificar retrocesso no empenho brasileiro nos projetos regionais, estremecendo as relações com os países latino-americanos, inclusive com Cuba.
Palavras-Chaves: Brasil; Cuba; Relações Internacionais; América Latina.


Abstract: This paper gives an overview of the evolution of bilateral relations between Brazil and Cuba from 2008 to 2016, overcoming the distance that separates the countries. The foreign policy pursued by the Lula government (2003-2011) focused on strengthening regional relations and promoting Latin American integration through CELAC, which includes Cuba in the regional dialogue, and establishing political, economic and ideological links between the two countries. Rousseff's foreign policy continued on a pragmatic course, ensuring gains for both countries. Examples of this are the Brazilian investments in the Mariel seaport modernisation and Special Economic Zone project, the growth of bilateral trade, and the installation of Brazilian companies on the island. Furthermore, cooperation was established in the health sector, involving the recruitment of 11.429 Cuban physicians to work in underdeveloped regions of Brazil. The density and pragmatic nature of this relationship have been fundamental for the consolidation of the bilateral relations between Brazil and Cuba, but faces the constraints of the recent Temer government, whose foreign policy is more directed to the northern countries and a decrease in Brazil's commitment to regional relations and integration projects can be observed, including those with Cuba.
Key words: Brazil; Cuba; International Relations; Latin America.


Recebido em: março/2017
Aprovado em: novembro/2017.

AbstractThis article investigates the relational dynamics between the Pacific Alliance and Mercosur from 2011 to 2022. It seeks to understand the moments of advancement and retraction of both regional processes by discussing the current situation and the prospects for strengthening the convergence between them. The study is based on data analysis—documents, reports, news, and institutional archives—that highlight how the negotiations between Mercosur and the Pacific Alliance were conducted. A literature review complements the analysis by reinforcing the concepts applied in this study to support the research hypothesis—that initial competition between the Pacific Alliance and Mercosur was overcome by efforts to manage the differences between them, which culminated in an ongoing dialog between the blocs. Still, the endogenous problems of Latin American integration processes and ideological differences between the national governments have resulted in challenges for the advancement of a convergence and the establishment of common trade policies. To overcome such differences, it is essential to reach cooperation agreements that transcend the elimination of tariffs between the two regional projects. The first steps toward restoring the convergence agenda require political willingness to overcome ideological differences, as well as clear interest and engagement from the economic elites.

The present article assesses and compares the MERCOSUR Parliament, the Andean Parliament, and the Latin American Parliament as instruments to insert political representation and parliamentarians in their respective integration projects. It is argued that the development of regional parliaments in Latin America, however, has not produced substantial changes in regional decision-making processes, which remain the exclusive domain of intergovernmental or interpresidential exchanges.

The present article assesses and compares the MERCOSUR Parliament, the Andean Parliament, and the Latin American Parliament as instruments to insert political representation and parliamentarians in their respective integration projects. It is argued that the development of regional parliaments in Latin America, however, has not produced substantial changes in regional decision-making processes, which remain the exclusive domain of intergovernmental or interpresidential exchanges. ; Univ Estadual Paulista, Fac Ciencias & Letras, Araraquara, SP, Brazil ; Univ Fed Sao Paulo, Escola Paulista Polit Econ & Negocios, Sao Paulo, SP, Brazil ; Univ Birmingham, Polit Sci & Int Studies, Birmingham, W Midlands, England ; Universidade Federal de São Paulo (UNIFESP), Escola Paulista Polit Econ & Negocios, Sao Paulo, SP, Brazil ; Web of Science

Abstract The present article assesses and compares the MERCOSUR Parliament, the Andean Parliament, and the Latin American Parliament as instruments to insert political representation and parliamentarians in their respective integration projects. It is argued that the development of regional parliaments in Latin America, however, has not produced substantial changes in regional decision-making processes, which remain the exclusive domain of intergovernmental or interpresidential exchanges.