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A forensic analysis from a criminal justice expert on the weaknesses in the findings and recommendations of the Lammy Review into Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic disproportionality in the UK's criminal justice system. It comments on the remit (which excludes policing), the lack of real action over police gang databases and the joint enterprise 'charge', the inadequate understanding of plea bargaining and influence of charging, the need for a deeper understanding of outcomes particularly at the Crown Court, and the weaknesses in merely asking for more Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic representation in the system. The statistical review, the author concludes, produces snapshots of marginal disproportionality at selected stages in the process and hence an episodic analysis of criminal justice, rather than looking at the overall system's effect in producing differential outcomes for the various ethnic groups. See also Liz Fekete, 'Lammy Review: Without racial justice, can there be trust?' ( Race & Class, doi: 10.1177/0306396817742074).

This article examines the need to reform the UK law of joint enterprise, the scope of which has been expanded over recent years through judicial case law. It describes how joint enterprise has become a specific weapon used by the police and the courts to target both political protest and 'gang' violence, in particular in black and working-class communities. The main evidence and recommendations of the House of Commons Justice Committee inquiry into joint enterprise held in 2011 are summarised, with specific reference to how the complexity and inconsistency in application of the law, its use as a dragnet against gangs through police and prosecutorial over-charging, and convictions based on 'foresight' rather than criminal intent, can all lead to miscarriages of justice. The particular problems associated with the use of joint enterprise in relation to murder are described. The article concludes by examining the response of the UK authorities to the Justice Committee report, with specific reference to new draft prosecutorial guidance issued by the Director of Public Prosecutions, which fails to clarify the law and in fact confirms the need for new legislation in this area.

In August 2011, England experienced widespread public disorders in sixty-six locations following a protest at the shooting dead of a black man in north London by the police. The author examines, inter alia, reports from the Metropolitan Police Service, academics Steve Reicher and Cliff Stott, Tottenham MP David Lammy, the Guardian/London School of Economics, Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary and the Ministry of Justice to analyse the riots in London and other cities. He looks at the shooting of Mark Duggan, the immediate trigger, the riots' deeper causes and the arrests that followed. Instead of a formal inquiry, the government set up the Riots Communities and Victims Panel, which has now reported, blaming the breakdown of families and lack of character in the young, rather than structural issues. While it asks for the community to work out, with the police, ways to reduce the impact of stop and search, the Metropolitan Police Service asks that stops be linked to its intelligence gathering; a sure way, argues the author, not to deal with the alienation of the young.

Examines the 1999 Macpherson report on the murder of Stephen Lawrence to discuss institutional racism in GB. Contradictory reactions to the report are described, & it is argued that the Macpherson conceptualization of institutional racism failed to address government policy as a source of racist practices in policing & the criminal justice system. As a result, politicians condemned racism but neglected to review questionable policies & criminal justice "reforms." Policy developments & practices related to police stop-&-search power are explored as an example of institutionalized racism. It is argued that the sole emphasis on increasing the number of convictions in the restructuring of the criminal justice system proposed by Tony Blair's New Labour administration only serves to further disadvantage black people. The impact of positive steps like the Crime & Disorder Act 1998 is discussed along with prospects for the future of institutional racism in GB. 33 References. J. Lindroth

The influence of A. Sivanandan's works on the development of race & social policy in GB is explored. Sivanandan played a prominent role in transforming the Instit of Race Relations in the 1970s. He established a method of social research & analysis that involved the thorough accumulation of facts & cases relating to black people's resistance to racism. This directly impacted policy debate & indirectly influenced political campaigns & grassroots political practice. The effects of Sivanandan's work, Race, Class and the State (1976) on concepts of race relations & discrimination are discussed as one of the first analytical accounts of institutionalized racism. Though this work was criticized by the establishment, the intellectual & political Left, & the emerging black bourgeoisie, its acknowledgment of institutionalized racism & the need for anti-racist policy has survived. M. Pflum

After years of government-inspired political attacks, and government- imposed financial cuts on local authority housing - including much publicised 'right-to-buy' initiatives, prohibitions on using even money from sales for improving housing, and the selling off (by Conservative boroughs) of whole estates over tenants' heads - the quality and availability of public housing has deteriorated starkly. Black protest over the scarcity of public housing was most drama tically demonstrated when homeless Bengali families in the London borough of Camden occupied the town hall in 1984, after the death of a mother and her two children in a bed-and-breakfast hotel fire. Follow ing the occupation, an investigation into Camden's housing policies was carried out under the direction of local community organisations. * The investigation, conducted against the backdrop of sweeping legislative changes which threaten the very coherence and long-term existence of public housing, has implications for the black community as a whole. Lee Bridges, who served on the Investigation Panel and wrote its report, extracts and summarises the main findings.