Suchergebnisse

This article analyses the extent to which radical left parties (RLPs) and radical right parties (RRPs) invoke fear of the EU in their voters by cueing on the economic, immigration and integration dimensions. In the West, mainstream theories of party cueing hold, although not in the predicted direction. RLPs cue on the economic dimension, with more protectionist cues resulting in less EU fear. RRPs are cueing on immigration, although respondents who vote for a more xenophobic party are less Eurosceptic. In the East, RLPs cue on immigration, with the anticipated outcome that a more xenophobic cue conditions greater EU fear. At the same time, RRPs cue on integration directly, with respondents who vote for a more Eurosceptic party exhibiting less fear. Overall, the most Eurosceptic respondents in the West are those who vote for a RRP, while the same is true for RLP voters in the East.

The rise of "new regionalism" is one of the most salient features of the post-Cold War international order. Despite the resurgence of regionalism in Europe, little consensus exists on how regional identity impacts public opinion toward the European Union. To remedy this problem, this study examines the impact of three types of individual-level regional identity on support for integration: parochialism (exclusive regionalism), inclusive regionalism, and pseudo-exclusive regionalism. Contrary to scholarly expectations, the multilevel analysis reveals that inclusive regionalists are as equally Eurosceptic as parochial regionalists. In general, regional identity depresses support for integration unless it is expressly combined with a supranational identity. This finding holds true even in minority nations, where respondents are, on the whole, less Euro-friendly.

Cet article examine l'impact de l'identité régionale en Flandre et en Wallonie sur l'ethnocentrisme, la préférence pour une plus grande décentralisation et le soutien à l'intégration. Il le fait à deux niveaux. Premièrement, il évalue l'hypothèse que l'identification régionale individuelle est associée à des attitudes plus europhiles. L'analyse révèle qu'une forte identité régionale affaiblit le soutien à l'intégration à la fois en Flandre et en Wallonie. Deuxièmement, le document compare l'impact de la construction de l'identité ethnique en Flandre avec la construction de l'identité civique en Wallonie. En Flandre, une vision plus ethnocentrique des membres de la communauté est couplée à une plus grande demande pour la souveraineté régionale. Pour une partie importante de la population flamande, en particulier les partisans du radical de droite Vlaams Belang, l'intégration compromet la souveraineté de la « nation » flamande. En Wallonie, les attitudes ethnocentriques sont relativement faibles. Cependant, la mauvaise performance économique de la Wallonie a rendu les Wallons plus protectionnistes et ethnocentriques, bien que moins eurosceptiques que les Flamands.

AbstractThis research note reports on the 2002 and 2006 Chapel Hill expert surveys (CHES), which measure national party positioning on European integration, ideology, and several European Union (EU) and non‐EU policies. The reliability of expert judgments is examined and the CHES data are cross‐validated with data from the Comparative Manifesto Project, the 2003 Benoit‐Laver expert survey and the 2002 Rohrschneider‐Whitefield survey. The dataset is available on the CHES website.

This research note reports on the 2002 and 2006 Chapel Hill expert surveys (CHES), which measure national party positioning on European integration, ideology, and several European Union (EU) and non-EU policies. The reliability of expert judgments is examined and the CHES data are cross-validated with data from the Comparative Manifesto Project, the 2003 Benoit-Laver expert survey and the 2002 Rohrschneider-Whitefield survey. The dataset is available on the CHES website.

This research note reports on the 2002 and 2006 Chapel Hill expert surveys (CHES), which measure national party positioning on European integration, ideology, and several European Union (EU) and non-EU policies. The reliability of expert judgments is examined and the CHES data are cross-validated with data from the Comparative Manifesto Project, the 2003 Benoit-Laver expert survey and the 2002 Rohrschneider-Whitefield survey. The dataset is available on the CHES website.