Welche Vision für Europa?: [EU-Parlamentswahlen] = What sort of vision for Europe?
In: Diplomatisches Magazin, Band 50, Heft 6, S. 24-25
ISSN: 0949-040X
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In: Diplomatisches Magazin, Band 50, Heft 6, S. 24-25
ISSN: 0949-040X
World Affairs Online
In: Transatlantische Perspektiven für die Ära Obama: Aufbruch zu neuen Ufern oder "business as usual"?, S. 75-112
"Dieser Beitrag analysiert anhand von drei ausgewählten Kernbereichen -strategische Konzeptentwicklung, Konsultations- und Kooperationsmechanismen sowie Fähigkeitsentwicklung - die Chancen und Hindernisse für die Zusammenarbeit zwischen der EU und der NATO. Ausgehend von der aktuellen politischen Konstellation werden Möglichkeiten erörtert, die zentralen Hürden für eine vertiefte Kooperation zu überwinden und Bewegung in die scheinbar festgefahrene Situation zu bringen. Neben einer Darstellung der vorherrschenden politischen Blockade werden insbesondere intraorganisationelle und interorganisationelle Strukturen und Dynamiken berücksichtigt und entsprechende Perspektiven für die zukünftige Ausgestaltung der Beziehungen abgeleitet." (Autorenreferat)
In: DGAP-Bericht No. 9
In: DGAP-Bericht No. 6
In: Neurotransmitter, Band 29, Heft 11, S. 34-43
ISSN: 2196-6397
World Affairs Online
In: DGAP-Bericht, Band 16
"How can global climate change be mitigated and what roles do international negotiations, businesses, cities and consumers play? In what ways could the EU and its member states constructively engage with China, India and Russia? Will organizations such as the UN, NATO and the EU succeed in adapting their strategies to the changing nature of crises? How can global energy security be achieved? Will the G8 soon be a G20? Or, summing it up differently: what will our globe look like in 2020?" (author's abstract). Contents: Panel I: Scenarios and Strategic Options for a European Security Architecture (Björn Seibert); Comprehensive Approaches of the EU, NATO and the UN—Remedy to Address the New Challenges in International Crisis Management? (Claudia Major); Panel II: Scenario's and Strategic Option's for a New Global Energy Order (Rafeh Malik); The Most Important Piece in Solving the Energy Puzzle: Increasing Energy Savings and Energy Efficiency in the European Union (Stephan Renner); The Russian Natural Gas Strategy—Fuelling a Common European Future (Dmitry Udalov); Panel III: Scenarios and Strategic Options for Coping with Climate Change (Eva Strickmann); Strategies for a Clean Future: What Role for New Climate Treaties, Technologies and Institutional Innovations? (Catherine Meade Harris); Panel IV: Scenarios and Strategic Options for Economic Integration and Global Trade (Alejandro Ribó Labastida); Strategic Options of Economic Integration and Global Trade for Africa in the 21st Century (Robert Mudida); The Rise of the Gulf: Myth or Reality? (Esra Pakin).
In: DGAP-Bericht, Band 18
In: DGAP-Bericht, Band 14
"Regional Leaders are on the rise. The present volume presents the outcome of DGAP's 11th New Faces Conference, which, through various case studies, has thoroughly examined established and emerging 'regional leaders', their geo-political agendas and security interests, their strategic partnerships with other countries, their role in regional security organizations and the international community, and their capabilities to provide stability and security in their region and beyond. As the following contributions show, we can find a multitude of understandings and conceptualizations of what constitutes 'power' and a 'region.' While there are certainly predominant understandings of the region as a synonym for a geographical unit we normally refer to as 'continent,' the reader will be confronted by rather unconventional conceptualizations of the regional category. The same holds true for most accounts of 'power' which is commonly conceived of as representing a quantifiable dimension of material assets such as military power, economic output and the like. Yet, as we can learn from the writings of Joseph Nye and his concept of 'soft power' - or Hillary Clinton's more or less identical idea of 'smart power' - power and influence also depend heavily on the attractiveness of ideas and concepts. We therefore hope that the following chapters will provide the reader with some fresh ideas on the different forms of regional power." (excerpt)
In: DGAP-Bericht, Band 17
"Although Central and Eastern Europe, the Balkans, the Caucasus and Central Asia share the common experience of the demise of the Warsaw Pact and the fall of the former Soviet Union, the political situation in those countries today is markedly diverse. 20 years after the fall of the Berlin wall and the iron curtain, most states in Central and Eastern Europe are considered consolidated democracies and the states of ex-Yugoslavia, albeit to a different extent, have also made significant progress towards democracy in the wake of the civil wars of the 1990s. Moreover, the orange and velvet revolutions in Ukraine and Georgia have been considered a model for further democratization in post-Soviet states. Many of the aforementioned "success stories" are linked to factors such as the socializing role of the European Union and NATO. Furthermore, the Council of Europe and the OSCE have engaged in improving the human rights situation in all former Communist countries and attempted to create flexible mechanisms for assuring political stability." (author's abstract)
In: DGAP-Bericht, Band 13
"In a world more and more characterized by multipolar structures, stability is an ever more evasive aim. Political theory tells us that multipolar systems are much less stable than bipolar or hegemonic ones. For the next generation of global political leaders it is paramount to understand how tectonic shifts in our present global order will influence the relative position of their own countries. The shifting parameters of rising powers, trends of regional cooperation and integration will set the stage for an emerging new world order where not only states and markets, but increasingly also transnational networks will play an ever more important role. In this sense, we could address networks in a double perspective: in the real world which we try to shape and understand and also in the world of young leaders who will have to shoulder the bulk of work and responsibility in the years and decades ahead. For many years, we at the German Council on Foreign Relations have been actively trying to expand our network of young high-potentials in international relations. In many of our programs the focus is on attracting future decisionmakers to our growing network, while they are still in their formative years at the university or in the early stages of their career. One of the most successful programs is organized by our International Forum on Strategic Thinking, which—based on our annual Summer Schools and New Faces Conferences—established a network of well over 700 people from all over Europe, Asia, the Middle East, North America, and with the invitation of participants from South Africa, Tanzania, Cameroon and Rwanda in the last two years also from Africa. For our 12th consecutive Summer School, which took place in July 2008, we have again invited a group of 30 outstanding participants for an intensive two week program, which focused on concepts of regional leadership, preconditions for regional stability and different regional integration dynamics." (excerpt)
In: DGAP-Standpunkt, Band 7
"Die EUFOR Tschad/ZAR ist in ihrer gegenwärtigen Konzeption ein zweifelhafter Einsatz mit geringen Erfolgsaussichten. Schlecht geplante Einsätze mit unklaren Zielen dienen weder der Sichtbarkeit noch der Stärkung der EU als internationalem Krisenmanager. Eine strategische Herangehensweise, in der die zu erreichenden Ziele mit den entsprechenden Kapazitäten in Einklang stehen, ist bei der Planung zukünftiger Einsätze oberstes Gebot. Langwierige und peinliche Ad-hoc-Lösungen, basierend auf Interessen einzelner Mitgliedstaaten, müssen vermieden werden. Mit zweifelhaften Einsätzen wie der EUFOR Tschad/ ZAR schadet die EU ihrer Glaubwürdigkeit und riskiert mittel- bis langfristig die Unterminierung der bisher breiten öffentlichen Zustimmung zur ESVP. Die Begrenztheit ihrer militärischen Kapazitäten sowie die unzureichende Definition wirklich gemeinsamer Interessen ihrer Mitgliedstaaten machen eine
ehrliche Debatte über die Art der Einsätze, welche die EU leisten kann und will, überfällig. Ohne eine solche Debatte gefährdet die Union nicht nur ihren eigenen Ruf, sondern auch die Beziehungen zu anderen Akteuren wie UN, NATO und USA." (Autorenreferat)
In: DGAP-Bericht, Band 8
"The link between international security and development constitutes a nexus that is only beginning to be understood and addressed by the international community and by regional security and development actors. During the International Summer School, participants and renowned speakers examine the complexity of contemporary development and security challenges, such as transnational warfare, terrorism, poor governance and state failure, migration and resource conflicts, as well as the transformation of traditional security and development concepts and policies (human security paradigm etc.). New interfaces between security and development (e.g. the concept of Security Sector Reform) and the need for an integrated approach to address global challenges are discussed. In this light, efforts and strategies of global actors like the EU, US, NATO, UN and OSCE as well as sensitivities and prospects for cooperation are assessed. Case studies on Africa, the Middle East, Asia and the Balkans provide regional insights to the topic." (author's abstract)
In: DGAP-Bericht, Band 6
"The end of the Cold War brought with it the end of the traditional, bipolar geo-strategic model of explaining world affairs. 'Feindbilder,' which used to be defined in geographical terms ('East' vs 'West'), have been replaced by security threats perceived to be truly global and functional in nature, yet regional in origin: Terrorism and proliferation, migration, organized crime and corruption or, at the root level, the lack of democracy and good governance in certain parts of this world. The realization that in today's globalized and interlinked world regional conflicts can have global fallout has increased the need for policy analysts to better understand the highly complex nature of different regional security dynamics. For policy makers, the question is how to address regional security issues efficiently and effectively." (author's abstract)
In: DGAP-Bericht
"Security challenges in the 21st century have trans-border effects and can no longer be dealt with by nation states alone. To address these challenges a wide spectrum of actors, including international and regional organizations, national and local institutions, as well as NGOs and civil society need to engage in a multilateral and concerted approach. During the International Summer School, participants and renowned speakers examine contemporary security challenges, such as terrorism and homeland security, state failure and democratization, energy security, demography and migration. In this light, prioritites and strategies of global actors like the EU, US, China, NATO, UN and OSCE, but also NGOs and private actors are assessed." (author's abstract)