Suchergebnisse

Transition to re‐entry (aftercare) is a stressful event for therapeutic community residents. While several authors agree on the importance of social support during reintegration, few studies have focused on the experiences of re‐entry clients themselves and their significant others during this period. Using a case‐study design, the present study examines the re‐entry process of four TC‐residents and three of their social network members during a six‐month period, starting at the time of their transfer to the halfway house. Clients and their significant others have mixed feelings about the reintegration period, although both are mainly positive. Clients report difficulties in leaving behind the TC‐mentality and building up a stable social network; they are surprised about the frequent contacts with substance (ab)use in mainstream society. Significant others misjudge clients' feelings about transition and relapse. Many significant others have a positive attitude towards the use of substances. The tendency in mainstream society to increasingly accept the use of substances intensifies clients' need for early guidance in building up stable supportive networks. Significant others need well‐grounded information on the reintegration process and on relapse.

An introduction to the issue of research on the social impact of the Therapeutic Community for Addiction (TC) is presented. The TC is argued to originate in 1957 in the California utopian community of Synanon, although earlier antecedents are recognised. The direct scientific influence on the development of Synanon is documented and traced to the discipline of sociology and the social research tradition. The breaking with the authoritarian style of Synanon is seen as a key process in the evolution of the TC. Social innovations created by the TC movement include interracial and interethnic living groups as well as the instilling of democracy in the relations of caring in the state institutions and the civil society. The issues of after‐care and the re‐entry phase of the TC client to society are seen as the point where the social impact of the TC can begin to be traced. The integration of the TC into larger treatment systems is discussed, both in its positive and negative consequences to the social movement. Historical research needs to be extended beyond familiar sources into the 'grey literature' of TCs and their umbrella organisations. Also, the need to go beyond research that provides an understanding of the past history of the TC is acknowledged. A call for present‐oriented sociological research on the impact of the TC on the social networks of clients in re‐entry and on socially excluded segments of society that would revitalise the movement is concluded.

AbstractFew studies on transnationalism have focused on migrants who return to their country of origin with insufficient resources and limited mobility. This study sheds light on the transnational connections of those who went back to Georgia and Armenia from Belgium on a voluntary assisted return and reintegration programme. Using Boccagni's (2012) analytical framework, we reveal the returnees' interpersonal, institutional and symbolic transnational ties. Although these ties were often limited and had little effect on their daily lives, and although the migrants' desire to participate in the transnational field rarely matched their ability to do so, they nonetheless attached great value to them symbolically and emotionally. Our findings question current conceptualizations of transnationalism and the focus on the home country as the sole context in which transnational ties should have an impact. We believe that there is a need to pay greater attention to the subjective and symbolic dimensions of the return–transnationalism field, including the relationship between integration and return migration policies.

AbstractThe return of migrants to their country of origin and the development of efficient return measures have become more prominent on the political agenda of many Western European countries. Since policymakers prefer 'voluntary' return, governmental programmes to support the return of migrants – Assisted Voluntary Return (AVR) programmes – were developed as far back as the 1970s and have played an increasingly important role in migration policy over the last three decades. At the same time, general migration policy and welfare systems have undergone profound change, including in the meanings and connotations attached to social welfare, return support and return policy. This raises questions about the implications of these broader societal and policy changes for the widely implemented AVR programmes. In this article, we discuss the interpretation and evolution of AVR programmes by analyzing how one particular European country, Belgium, has developed its AVR programme over time. We explore the evolution of the programme's content, target group and institutional positioning, which shed light on its changing goals and are closely linked to a broader shift towards a 'managerial' approach to migration policy and the welfare state. We argue that return support may become decontextualized when it adopts 'conditional entitlement' as a central principle. This leads to strong differentiation, based on personal responsibility, between 'deserving' and 'undeserving' migrants, the levelling down of the support given to returnees, and a more coercive voluntary return policy in which social support is linked to deportation.

AbstractThe return of refugees and migrants back to their country of origin is an important topic on the agenda of Western European governments, as return is considered as the most "durable solution" for the "refugee problem", and as an instrument with which to tackle "illegal" migration. However, these migration policies generally lack a clear evidence base, as little studies have focused on returnees' current living situations and on their perspectives on the re‐migration process. In this paper we therefore try to listen to returnees' voices, through in‐depth interviews with four Nepalese migrants both before (in Belgium) and after (in Nepal) their return, and with 16 returnees after their return to Nepal. The interviews show how most returnees start with a disadvantageous "point of departure" to realize a "successful" return: mostly, they do not really depart "voluntarily", and they only have limited possibilities for preparing their return and setting realistic expectations. But also, back in the "home country", most returnees judge their current economic, social and political living situation as bad, meeting little of the expectations that they set before they returned. The participants consider the support they received through the NGOs' return programmes as minimal, because they are mostly limited to a small amount of financial support, and thus of little significance in these returnees' efforts to rebuild their lives in their "home" country. If return programmes want to make a difference in returnees' lives, they should have two extensive components in the "home" and the "host" country, incorporating in both components an integral approach, including economic, political, social and psychological aspects. Viewing these findings, it is not surprising that most interviewees eventually evaluate their return as unsuccessful, and many returnees consider re‐emigration, all of which clearly questions the current basis of worldwide migration policies.

As a result of the growing number of ethnic and cultural minority clients in substance‐abuse treatment during the last decades, a culturally responsive approach has become more and more imperative. In this article the statements (n = 1330) of professionals (n = 11) and clients (n = 11) representing the substance‐abuse treatment centres in the region of Ghent and its suburbs (Belgium) are analysed. In focus are the specific treatment needs of ethnically and culturally diverse substance‐abusing clients and the difficulties consequent to treating this target group. Possible approaches to overcoming these difficulties are highlighted and elaborated by means of semi‐structured interviews and focus groups. The participants in the study stress the importance of an integrated approach, with special attention given to the factors that can promote or jeopardise treatment.

The BIOMED II 'Improving Psychiatric Treatment in Residential Programmes for Emerging Dependency Groups' project provided a relatively large sample (n = 863) of men (77%) and women (23%) in therapeutic community treatment in nine European countries. This paper's aim is to search for gender differences in profiles of therapeutic community clients on the basis of the different areas of functioning of the EuropASI. A binary logistic regression model was used to avoid the confounding effects of country and age. Our findings confirm what is found in the American literature: compared to men, women have a much worse profile in various areas of functioning when entering treatment. In response, they may require a gender-adapted set of therapeutic interventions at the moment they enter treatment.

A mini‐symposium series of papers presenting the results of the European Commission‐supported Biomed II project is introduced. The project accomplished a cross‐border scientific networking engaging 31 European residential treatment programmes. The results showed that scientific development is best served by a flexible bureaucratic approach. 'Old' science and the 'new' science ways of working were balanced. 'History' and 'social networks' are the key concepts signalling the project knowledge gains. A treatment sample (N=723) was extracted from a database of 1028 current European cases. Non‐drug‐specific characteristics are as important as drug‐specific characteristics in distinguishing emerging dependence groups. The project networking created a process that increased the level of involvement of science and the service communities. To sustain the gains of the project, a reaching out of existing European treatment services to extended family and friendship networks with a history of dependence‐related problems will be required.