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Social Psychology provides student readers with essential help with all aspects of their first course in social psychology, including advice on revising for exams, preparing and writing course assessment materials, and enhancing and progressing their knowledge and skills in line with course requirements on a social psychology course

In Lucas v. South Carolina Coastal Council, the United States Supreme Court established the premier categorical regulatory takings standard with certain limited exceptions. The Lucas rule establishes that private property owners are entitled to compensation for a taking under the Fifth Amendment Takings Clause when a government regulation "denies all economically beneficial or productive use of land." Today, Lucas remains the controlling law on categorical regulatory takings. But in application, how much does Lucas still matter? My review of more than 1,600 cases in state and federal court reveals only twenty-seven cases in twenty-five years in which courts found a categorical regulatory taking under Lucas. By percentage, that works out to a Lucas claim success rate of just 1.6 percent. This does not mean Lucas is unimportant, however. Rather, the paucity of successful Lucas claims itself tells a significant story about the importance of pleading takings claims. I contend that Lucas' most enduring value is not its contribution to the positive law but rather its effect on how litigants shape their cases. A crucial aspect of the Lucas categorical regulatory takings analysis has been, and will continue to be, the problem of defining the denominator in the regulatory takings equation. My research suggests that Lucas' holding incentivizes the private contractual agreements entered into by property owners to shrink the takings denominator and tilt the scales slightly in favor of the plaintiff. The ability of a property owner to reduce the denominator remains the loadstar for a Lucas case-winning strategy. This is important for not only theorists but also for practitioners to know — those who litigate and conduct transactions in Lucas' shadow.

Traditionally, dancing has been perceived as a decidedly unintellectual exercise; however, the incorporation of dance into academic social theory contributes to feminist theorizing on the role of the body & space in the construction of knowledge. Movements of body & space are felt not only theoretically, but materially, in the form of jumping from one identity to another, & one location to another, to perform various identities on stage & in the classroom. Here, this motion is discussed in terms of personal experience as a dancer & professor in England who constantly moves between these two worlds. It is suggested that the process of being marked as an Other in the academy, but insisting on constructing oneself as a moving target of power, has been both a practical means of sustaining one's career & a pragmatic demonstration of much of feminist theorizing in recent years. 17 References. D. M. Ryfe

The possible effects of birth control & new reproductive technologies (NRTs) on ethnic conflict are discussed. It is argued that birth control, including "morning-after pills," can reduce the effectiveness of rape as a weapon in ethnic conflict by protecting women from pregnancy & public humiliation as a result of their violation. Birth control can also function as an ethnic weapon (eg, forced sterilization of Jewish women by Nazis). The potential impacts of NRTs (eg, artificial insemination, in vitro fertilization, surrogate motherhood, genetic manipulation) are unknown, but NRTs could weaken ethnic conflict by eroding assumptions about genetic purity & ethnic bloodlines. It is unlikely, however, that these technologies will be allowed to upset family structures, ethnic identity, or patriarchy. Political conclusions drawn are that ethnic purity should not be a condition of citizenship, that ethnicity should be removed from state control, & that opponents of racism & sexism should work together. E. Blackwell

Radical activism in sociology can be explained as reaction against developments in American society, university structure, social theory and the American Sociology Association. Beginning in 1967 with a controversy over a Vietnam resolution, it has grown to include organized opposition through the Sociology Liberation Movement and the separation of the Black Sociologists Association. The assumptions behind sociology as an academic field and an occupation, have been and are being tested and found erroneous by an increasing number of sociologists.