Suchergebnisse

This translation of José Martí's Nuestra América (Our America) and accompanying essay offer English-speaking readers a new version of his seminal text, situating it more firmly within the realm of literary and translation studies, and decentering it from the world of Latin American history or politics, where the extant English translations tend to live in North American libraries. The translator's meditation focuses on some of the more poetic aspects of Martí's language and the logic he employs to create interconnected evolving metaphors and metonyms, while also explaining some of the lexical and syntactic choices made in key areas that have traditionally caused difficulty with previous translations of this essay.

This project examines four 16th- and 17th-century historiographical works on colonial Peru and the way in which scientific discourse was manipulated to defend and contest the political rights of various groups (Spaniards, Jesuit missionaries, mestizos, and creoles). The five-zone theory, which posited a correlation among geographic location, "extreme" tropical environments, and "extreme" human natures, served as one of the primary justifications for Spanish rule over the Americas. However, by appropriating this discourse but claiming that Peru enjoyed a temperate climate, colonial writers were able to claim that various inhabitants of Peru were also temperate and thus challenged the legitimacy of Spanish imperialism. Examining the manipulations of this theory by Francisco López de Gómara, José de Acosta, Inca Garcilaso de la Vega and Antonio de la Calancha, I seek to demonstrate the role of science in Hispanic colonial literature as an instrumental tool in the negotiation of political power in Peru.

This project examines four 16th- and 17th-century historiographical works on colonial Peru and the way in which scientific discourse was manipulated to defend and contest the political rights of various groups (Spaniards, Jesuit missionaries, mestizos, and creoles). The five-zone theory, which posited a correlation among geographic location, "extreme" tropical environments, and "extreme" human natures, served as one of the primary justifications for Spanish rule over the Americas. However, by appropriating this discourse but claiming that Peru enjoyed a temperate climate, colonial writers were able to claim that various inhabitants of Peru were also temperate and thus challenged the legitimacy of Spanish imperialism. Examining the manipulations of this theory by Francisco López de Gómara, José de Acosta, Inca Garcilaso de la Vega and Antonio de la Calancha, I seek to demonstrate the role of science in Hispanic colonial literature as an instrumental tool in the negotiation of political power in Peru.

This article examines the confluence of two major recent developments with regard to British Muslim communities. For many British Muslim women Islam has become the cornerstone of their identity. However, alongside this development has been the emergence of a new national security agenda based on counter-terrorism with a particular focus on Islamic fundamentalism. The discourse of state agencies locates Islam and Muslim communities not simply as 'problem communities' but as security concerns. The impact of this securitisation on Muslim women's political agency and identity has yet fully to be assessed. The issues surrounding this relatively recent securitisation are explored via the current debates on mosque reform, women's access to mosques and the current discourse which perceives mosques as 'insecure' (terrorist) sites in the UK. (The British Journal of Politics and International Relations / FUB)

This article examines the confluence of two major recent developments with regard to British Muslim communities. For many British Muslim women Islam has become the cornerstone of their identity. However, alongside this development has been the emergence of a new national security agenda based on counter-terrorism with a particular focus on Islamic fundamentalism. The discourse of state agencies locates Islam and Muslim communities not simply as 'problem communities' but as security concerns. The impact of this securitisation on Muslim women's political agency and identity has yet fully to be assessed. The issues surrounding this relatively recent securitisation are explored via the current debates on mosque reform, women's access to mosques and the current discourse which perceives mosques as 'insecure' (terrorist) sites in the UK.

This volume offers a feminist critique of counter- and deradicalization programs, including those under the umbrella of 'preventing and countering violent extremism.' Based on insights from five countries and examples from elsewhere, the text shows how, collectively, efforts rely on particular narratives of agency, security, and human rights. Putting gender at the centre of the analysis reveals significant limitations in antiradicalization work-in construction, operation, and evaluation.

Radicalization, and the terrorism that is frequently linked to it, have been subject to much study and governmental intervention. Nevertheless, the processes that lead to radicalization remain thinly conceptualized although governments and their agencies worldwide have invested heavily in counter and de-radicalization programs. There are at least 34 anti-radicalization programs worldwide, most of which were initiated post-2001, with a focus on Muslims and Muslim communities. These policies and programs have led to interventions in the daily lives of thousands, often in ways that push the boundaries of human rights law and norms. However, the effectiveness of these programs is unclear. This book compares anti-radicalization programs that target Islamic extremism in the UK, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, the Netherlands and Pakistan. It looks particularly at the ways in which the program tactics differ depending on the gender of the target, arguing that the gendered way in which anti-radicalization is pursued helps to reveal its limitations. These programs fail to take into account how masculinity and femininity inform the radicalization process. Moreover, the programs tend to link men's radicalization to excessive, but flawed, masculinity, and women's radicalization to passivity, which consequentially limits understandings of the various modes of belief, belonging, and behavior of those they are trying to engage. Solutions for male de-radicalization hinge on particular ideals of masculinity that few men can obtain, while the de-radicalization of women is seen as a rescue mission. Although the rhetoric of battling terrorism is often couched in a narrative of "women's rights" and "liberal values", the book demonstrates that the consequences of the programs often run counter to such ideals. The book's findings are applicable not just to de-radicalization programs, but also to broader counter-radicalization agendas that address resilience and community engagement. The book also highlights the way in which anti-radicalization measures hew to or differ from older programs addressing right-wing extremism, anti-cult measures, and sectarianism. Ultimately, Gender, Religion, Extremism proposes an alternative way of implementing anti-radicalization efforts that are rooted in a feminist peace—one that is transformative, inclusive, and sustainable.

This article argues that despite the framing of religion in the discipline and practice of International Relations (IR) as a force for good, or a cause of evil in the world, IR fails to treat religion on its own terms (as sui generis). With a few exceptions, the discipline has pigeonholed religion as a variable of IR, one that can be discussed as one might GDP, HIV, or numbers of nuclear missiles: measurable, with causality and essential properties. IR has also tended to treat religion as equivalent to features of global politics that it already recognizes—as an institution or community or ideology, for example—but in doing so, it misses intrinsic (and arguably unique) elements of religion. Drawing on feminist insights about how gender works in IR, namely that gender is a construct, performative and structural, this article argues a similar case for religion. A reframing of religion is applied to the case of Daesh (so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, ISIS) to show how our understanding of the organization changes when we view religion differently. The implications for counterterrorism policies if religion is viewed as more than a variable are explored in light of recent territorial and military losses for Daesh. The article therefore proposes a post-secular counterterrorism approach.