Suchergebnisse

At the beginning of the 20th century, social movements in Latin America were heavily influenced by anarchist immigrants from Europe and then by the ideological struggles around the Russian revolution. Beginning in the 1930s, many social movements started to incorporate into leftwing and populist parties and governments, such as the Cardenismo in Mexico. Facing the shift of many governments towards the left and the 'threat' of socialist Cuba, ultrarightwing groups and the military, supported by the US, responded in many countries with brutal repression and opened the neoliberal era. Today, after 30 years of repression and neoliberal hegemony, the social movements are gaining strength again in many Latin American countries. With the anti-globalization movement, new insurrections like the Zapatismo in Mexico, and some leftwing governments coming into power in Venezuela, Brasil and other countries, there appears to be a new turn in Latin America's road to the future.

At the beginning of the 20th century, social movements in Latin America were heavily influenced by anarchist immigrants from Europe and then by the ideological struggles around the Russian revolution. Beginning in the 1930s, many social movements started to incorporate into leftwing and populist parties and governments, such as the Cardenismo in Mexico. Facing the shift of many governments towards the left and the 'threat' of socialist Cuba, ultrarightwing groups and the military, supported by the US, responded in many countries with brutal repression and opened the neoliberal era. Today, after 30 years of repression and neoliberal hegemony, the social movements are gaining strength again in many Latin American countries. With the anti-globalization movement, new insurrections like the Zapatismo in Mexico, and some leftwing governments coming into power in Venezuela, Brasil and other countries, there appears to be a new turn in Latin America's road to the future. (Prokla / FUB)

Zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts hatten anarchistische Einwanderer aus Europa und die ideologischen Auseinandersetzungen im Zuge der russischen Revolution einen großen Einfluss auf die sozialen Bewegungen in Lateinamerika. Seit den 1930er Jahren bildeten sich linke und populistische Parteien und Regierungen wie der Cardenismo in Mexiko. Angesichts des Linksrucks vieler Regierungen und der "Bedrohung" durch das sozialistische Kuba reagierten ultrarechte Gruppen und das Militär - gestützt durch die USA - in vielen Ländern mit brutaler Repression und leiteten die Ära des Neoliberalismus ein. Nach 30 Jahren Repression und neoliberaler Hegemonie werden die sozialen Bewegungen in vielen lateinamerikanischen Ländern wieder stärker. Mit der globalisierungskritischen Bewegung, dem Zapatismo in Mexiko und linken Regierungen in Venezuela, Brasilien und anderen Ländern scheint Lateinamerika abermals an einem Scheideweg zu stehen. (ICEÜbers)

This article analyses the civilisational content of contemporary indigenous movement in Latin America. From a profound critique of Eurocentrism, this social movement builds on its rich historical roots and ancient civilisations to project themselves as a regional movement with a universal reach. The indigenous movement in Latin America has evolved from being a resistance movement to become a movement that challenges governments and political power in several countries of the region. Whilst developing a strategy for integration based on their acknowledgement of belonging to a historical, geographical and cultural unity, the Latin American indigenous movement has placed in the centre of the debate and political action, key issues that will redefine future political scenarios in the region. Key elements of this shift include: the construction of 'pluri-national' states based on the principle of 'unity in diversity' as the centrepiece of the new democracy in the region, the recognition of indigenous civilisations as a source of knowledge, skills and identities for the construction of a collective future; consideration of life as a main principle for social and political action; recognition of the motherland or Pachamama as the fundamental source and the space where life happens. These new processes are producing profound changes in the Americas, which certainly will create better conditions for the emergence of a globally oriented civilisation, more balanced, equitable, inclusive and able to overcome the colonial mentality and its faulty power structures.

Theotônio Dos Santos es autor de una de las obras más importantes de nuestro tiempo, tanto por su originalidad y alcances como por el modo en que ejerció el pensamiento crítico con agudeza y creatividad. El gran pensador brasileño desarrolló a lo largo de su vida un análisis centrado en la comprensión del mundo contemporáneo, combinando una mirada sobre la historia reciente de la humanidad y del pensamiento científico adecuado para interpretarla y actuar sobre ella.La permanente relación entre teoría y práctica le imprimió a la obra de Dos Santos una de sus marcas distintivas: la del cientista social comprometido con las grandes causas de la humanidad. Dos Santos fue uno de los precursores de la teoría de la dependencia y un militante abocado a desplegar una lectura de la economía política del mundo contemporáneo pensada desde nuestra región y en clave emancipatoria. Con más de 40 libros publicados y traducidos a más de 16 idiomas, Dos Santos hizo inteligibles los diferentes rostros y fases de la dependencia de América Latina, al tiempo que colaboró en la construcción de una perspectiva político-académica para transformarla.CLACSO presenta una antología en dos volúmenes que invita a continuar indagando los aportes y reflexiones de uno de nuestros intelectuales más prolíficos y comprometidos."La obra de Theotônio dos Santos, uno de los referentes más creativos del pensamiento marxista contemporáneo, expresa la densidad del pensamiento social latinoamericano".Del estudio preliminar de Mónica Bruckmann

O estudo pretende analisar a iniciativa chinesa de infraestrutura, chamada Belt and Road Initiative (B&R), ou One Belt, One Road (OBOR), mais conhecida como "A Nova Rota da Seda", lançada oficialmente em 2013; e a partir de uma visão de expansão da influência chinesa tanto na economia como na política mundial, com o apoio de novas plataformas de cooperação entre países emergentes, como o BRICS. Ademais, o trabalho também explora as iniciativas globais chinesas de aproximação político-econômica, de maneira a influenciar o cenário político-econômico dos seus parceiros estratégicos no continente eurasiático expandido, na África e na América do Sul. Assim, é possível identificar as iniciativas e estratégias chinesas para a expansão da sua influência, a partir do incentivo à expansão econômica, junto a uma rede de fontes de financiamento com apoio do capital chinês; e, portanto, a atração de potenciais parceiros em suas zonas de influência imediata e transcontinental, em uma expansão planejada para o oeste. Por fim, é avaliado como o OBOR pode influenciar o BRICS e seus membros no fortalecimento do seu projeto de cooperação e benefício mútuos, a partir da ampliação da sua infraestrutura interna, promovendo mais uma aproximação física como nova etapa da crescente interação entre seus membros.


Abstract: This study aims to analyze the Chinese infrastructure initiative called the Belt and Road Initiative (B&R), or One Belt, One Road (OBOR), better known as "The New Silk Road", officially launched in 2013; and from a vision of expanding Chinese influence in both the economy and world politics with the support of new platforms of cooperation among emergent countries, such as the BRICS. In addition, the paper also explores the global Chinese political-economic approaches in order to influence the political-economic scenario of its strategic partners in the expanded Eurasian continent, Africa, and South America. Thus, it is possible to identify Chinese initiatives and strategies for expanding its influence, from the initative for economic expansion, to a network of Chinese-funded finance sources; and therefore the attraction of potential partners in zones of immediate and transcontinental influence, in a planned expansion to the west. Finally, it is evaluated how OBOR can influence BRICS and its members in strengthening its project of cooperation and mutual benefit, by expanding its internal infrastructure, promoting a more material cooperation as a new stage of the growing interaction among its members.
Keywords: Chinese foreign policy; China and OBOR; BRICS; Geopolitics.


Recebido em: março/2018.Aprovado em: fevereiro/2019.