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Conspiracy beliefs receive unprecedented public attention during the COVID-19 pandemic. This may be because they could directly affect own and others' health and economic outcomes due to detrimental effects on preventive behaviour. We aimed to (a) test key hypotheses on the correlates of generic beliefs in conspiracy theories in this high-relevance real-life setting, (b) examine the role of trust in mediating effects on preventive behaviour, and (c) thereby inform the public health response. Using cross-sectional data (N=1,013) from the German COVID-19 monitoring we tested the relationships between conspiracy beliefs and (a) level of education, (b) social and economic worries, (c) trust in media, the government, public health institutions, and science, and (d) hygiene-related and contact-related preventive behaviour. Results were in line with expectations apart from null findings for the relationships with social worries and hygiene-related preventive behaviour. Trust in government mediated effects of conspiracy beliefs on contact-related preventive behaviour. ; This is a preprint of: Bruder, M., & Kunert, L. (2021). The conspiracy hoax? Testing key hypotheses about the correlates of generic beliefs in conspiracy theories during the COVID‐19 pandemic. International Journal of Psychology. https://doi.org/10.1002/ijop.12769 ; notReviewed ; other

Conspiracy beliefs are ubiquitous in the current COVID-19 pandemic. This may be because they directly affect own and others' health and economic outcomes due to detrimental effects on preventive behaviour. We aimed to (a) test key hypotheses on the correlates of generic beliefs in conspiracy theories in this high-threat real-life setting, (b) examine the role of trust in mediating effects of conspiracy beliefs on preventive behaviour, and (c) thereby inform the public health response. Using cross-sectional data (N=1,013) from the German COVID-19 monitoring we tested the relationships between conspiracy beliefs and (a) social and economic worries, (b) trust in media, the government, public health institutions, and science, and (c) hygiene-related and contact-related preventive behaviour. Results were in line with expectations apart from null findings for the relationships with social worries and hygiene-related preventive behaviour. Trust in government mediated effects of conspiracy beliefs on contact-related preventive behaviour. ; This is a postprint of: Bruder, M., & Kunert, L. (2021). The conspiracy hoax? Testing key hypotheses about the correlates of generic beliefs in conspiracy theories during the COVID‐19 pandemic. International Journal of Psychology. https://doi.org/10.1002/ijop.12769 ; reviewed ; accepted version

Die Gleichberechtigung der Geschlechter ist eines der Ziele und ein handlungsleitendes Prinzip der staatlichen deutschen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit. Durch Gender-Mainstreaming im Prozess der Planung, Durchführung und Evaluierung von Entwicklungsmaßnahmen soll erreicht werden, dass in den Projekten Aktivitäten durchgeführt werden, die zu Geschlechtergerechtigkeit beitragen. Inwieweit es gelingt, das Querschnittsthema Geschlechtergerechtigkeit in der staatlichen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit erfolgreich zu verankern, hat die DEval-Evaluierung "Förderung der Gleichberechtigung der Geschlechter in Post-Konflikt-Kontexten" anhand von 47 Vorhaben in elf Post-Konflikt-Kontexten evaluiert. Hierfür wurden zwei Dimensionen untersucht: (a) die Prozessdimension, also der formale Prozess des Gender-Mainstreaming und seine praktische Umsetzung sowie (b) die Outcome-Dimension, also die Ebene der Projektwirkungen. Die Evaluierung kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die vorgegebenen Verfahren geeignet sind, Aktivitäten zur Förderung der Gleichberechtigung der Geschlechter in Vorhaben zu verankern. Allerdings werden sie in der 'gelebten' Praxis selten so genutzt, dass Potenziale, die in den Vorhaben für diese Thematik liegen, ausreichend systematisch ausgeschöpft werden. Gründe hierfür liegen in folgenden organisationalen Faktoren: (a) dem Genderklima in der Organisation in Hinblick auf Führung, Organisationskultur, Normen und Werte, (b) den Individuen und ihren genderbezogenen Kompetenzen bzw. ihrem Engagement, (c) der Institutionalisierung von Geschlechtergerechtigkeit durch verbindliche Vorgaben, Anlaufstellen und Angebote für Wissensmanagement sowie (d) den finanziellen und zeitlichen Ressourcen. Die Ergebnisse der Evaluierung können zum Teil auf die Verankerung anderer Querschnittsthemen in Organisationen übertragen werden.

AbstractOne aim of development volunteer services is to foster positive attitudes in participants toward those they encounter in their host countries. However, the psychological mechanisms underlying such attitude change remain underexplored. This is true despite intergroup contact theory proposing that contact between groups causes more positive intergroup attitudes through the mechanism of increased mutual knowledge, improved perspective‐taking, and higher levels of empathy. A theory‐based multi‐method evaluation of the German weltwärts development volunteer service included a quasi‐experimental component to address the question of whether and how development volunteering contributes to such attitude change. Part of this component was the specification of a multiple‐mediator model based on intergroup contact theory to investigate the mechanism that brings about attitude change at a critical juncture of the program theory. The evaluation observed a highly significant small‐to‐medium‐sized effect of development volunteering on intergroup attitudes (β = .19). The analysis revealed that this effect was fully mediated by changes in the mediational pathways of knowledge, perspective‐taking, and empathy. The mediation analysis thereby lent strong support to the validity of causal hypotheses derived from intergroup contact theory in the context of development volunteering. It also substantially increased the explanatory strength, utility, and policy relevance of the evaluation. Based on these evaluation findings, development volunteer services should be designed such that they allow for the identified mechanism to fully unfold in order to increase program effectiveness. The chapter ends with a discussion of limitations and future directions concerning the use of mediation analysis in program evaluation.

AbstractDevelopment aid is considered an important instrument in achieving a more sustainable global future. However, the general public perceives aid as rather ineffective. This may be because the public knows little about aid and its effects. Evidence for the effects of aid projects may therefore be of particular importance in shaping attitudes. In a survey experiment carried out among the German population (N ≈ 6000), we presented a claim on the effectiveness of an aid project or the same claim plus experimental evidence, qualitative evidence or anecdotal evidence and compared it to a no information control group. Results revealed that the claim increases both belief in the effectiveness of aid as well as support for aid. Among all forms of evidence tested, anecdotal evidence performs best, followed by experimental evidence. Pre-manipulation support for aid partly moderates the effect of the claim, but those who support aid do not react more strongly to the two forms of scientific evidence (experimental/qualitative).

Conspiracy theories are ubiquitous when it comes to explaining political events and societal phenomena. Individuals differ not only in the degree to which they believe in specific conspiracy theories, but also in their general susceptibility to explanations based on such theories, that is, their conspiracy mentality. We present the Conspiracy Mentality Questionnaire (CMQ), an instrument designed to efficiently assess differences in the generic tendency to engage in conspiracist ideation within and across cultures. The CMQ is available in English, German, and Turkish. In four studies, we examined the CMQ's factorial structure, reliability, measurement equivalence across cultures, and its convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity. Analyses based on a cross-cultural sample (Study 1a; N = 7,766) supported the conceptualization of conspiracy mentality as a one-dimensional construct across the three language versions of the CMQ that is stable across time (Study 1b; N = 141). Multi-group confirmatory factor analysis demonstrated cross-cultural measurement equivalence of the CMQ items. The instrument could therefore be used to examine differences in conspiracy mentality between European, North American, and Middle Eastern cultures. In Studies 2–4 (total N = 476), we report (re-)analyses of three datasets demonstrating the validity of the CMQ in student and working population samples in the UK and Germany. First, attesting to its convergent validity, the CMQ was highly correlated with another measure of generic conspiracy belief. Second, the CMQ showed patterns of meaningful associations with personality measures (e.g., Big Five dimensions, schizotypy), other generalized political attitudes (e.g., social dominance orientation and right-wing authoritarianism), and further individual differences (e.g., paranormal belief, lack of socio-political control). Finally, the CMQ predicted beliefs in specific conspiracy theories over and above other individual difference measures.

Conspiracy theories are ubiquitous when it comes to explaining political events and societal phenomena. Individuals differ not only in the degree to which they believe in specific conspiracy theories, but also in their general susceptibility to explanations based on such theories, that is, their conspiracy mentality. We present the Conspiracy Mentality Questionnaire (CMQ), an instrument designed to efficiently assess differences in the generic tendency to engage in conspiracist ideation within and across cultures. The CMQ is available in English, German, and Turkish. In four studies, we examined the CMQ's factorial structure, reliability, measurement equivalence across cultures, and its convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity. Analyses based on a cross-cultural sample (Study 1a; N = 7,766) supported the conceptualization of conspiracy mentality as a one-dimensional construct across the three language versions of the CMQ that is stable across time (Study 1b; N = 141). Multi-group confirmatory factor analysis demonstrated cross-cultural measurement equivalence of the CMQ items. The instrument could therefore be used to examine differences in conspiracy mentality between European, North American, and Middle Eastern cultures. In Studies 2–4 (total N = 476), we report (re-)analyses of three datasets demonstrating the validity of the CMQ in student and working population samples in the UK and Germany. First, attesting to its convergent validity, the CMQ was highly correlated with another measure of generic conspiracy belief. Second, the CMQ showed patterns of meaningful associations with personality measures (e.g., Big Five dimensions, schizotypy), other generalized political attitudes (e.g., social dominance orientation and right-wing authoritarianism), and further individual differences (e.g., paranormal belief, lack of socio-political control). Finally, the CMQ predicted beliefs in specific conspiracy theories over and above other individual difference measures.

Momentan besteht hohes wissenschaftspolitisches Interesse an der Entwicklung von Forschungsinfrastrukturen in allen Wissenschaftsbereichen. Wir plädieren dafür, ein national gefördertes Onlinelabor für die psychologische Forschung in diesen Diskurs einzubringen. Dieses Labor sollte einen großen Teilnehmerpool, notwendige Software-Tools, edukative Komponenten (Methodenberatung) sowie Schnittstellen zu Datenarchiven zur Verfügung stellen. Die Vorteile einer solchen Einrichtung werden auf der Basis von Effizienzbetrachtungen sowie methodischen und forschungsethischen Überlegungen verdeutlicht. Abschließend diskutieren wir mittelfristige Entwicklungspotenziale eines Nationalen Onlinelabors. ; There currently is a high level of science policy interest in the development of research infrastructures in all scientific areas. We propose to promote the idea of a national online laboratory within this discourse. This laboratory should provide access to a large participant pool, should offer software tools, provide education on Internet-based research methodologies, and should interface with data archives. We spell out the advantages of such a facility on the basis of efficiency concerns as well as considerations concerning research methodology and research ethics. We conclude with a discussion of mid-term developmental potentials of a nationally funded online laboratory.

Die nach wie vor mangelnde Geschlechtergerechtigkeit ist eine drängende globale Herausforderung. Vor diesem Hintergrund kündigte die Bundesregierung 2021 in ihrem Koalitionsvertrag eine feminist foreign policy an. Diese soll die Rechte, Repräsentanz und Ressourcen von Frauen und marginalisierten Gruppen stärken und die Anerkennung von Diversität fördern. Allerdings gibt es auf eine feministische Ausrichtung der Außen- und Entwicklungspolitik in der politischen Debatte divergierende und auch kritische Perspektiven. Wie steht es aber um die Einstellung der Bevölkerung? Um dieser Frage nachzugehen, wurde im Rahmen des DEval-Meinungsmonitor Entwicklungspolitik 2022 die öffentliche Meinung zu feministischer Entwicklungspolitik untersucht. Dieser Policy Brief fasst die Ergebnisse einer repräsentativen Befragung zusammen.

The continued lack of gender equality is an urgent global challenge. Against this backdrop, the German Federal Government announced in 2021 that it would include a feminist foreign policy in its coalition agreement. The aim of this policy is to strengthen the rights, representation and resources of women and marginalised groups and to promote the recognition of diversity. However, a feminist orientation in foreign and development policy meets with diverging views in political debate and provides cause for discussion in the (social) media. But what is the attitude of the general public? Aiming to answer this question, DEval examined public opinion on feminist development policy as part of its Opinion Monitor for Development Policy 2022. This Policy Brief summarises the results of the representative survey.

The COVID-19 pandemic poses a global health, economic and political threat for developed and developing countries alike. However, the latter are less well prepared. Tackling the pandemic and its effects requires global cooperation and the provision of development assistance to countries in need. Yet, support for development assistance among donor publics might be dampened by individual health-related and economic worries as well as decreasing trust in government during the pandemic. Against this backdrop, we investigate the effect of pandemic-induced worries on public support for providing assistance to developing countries as well as the moderating role of moral considerations and trust in government. Drawing on the aid attitudes and welfare state support literature and based on survey data for Germany provided by the COVID-19 Snapshot Monitoring (COSMO) project collected in April 2020 (N = 1,012), our regression models show that on average neither health-related nor economic worries go along with less support for providing assistance to developing countries affected by the pandemic. However, we find a significant interaction between health-related worries and trust in government: For those with high levels of trust in government the effect of healthrelated worry on support for development assistance is positive, whereas it is negative for those with low levels of trust. We conclude that for the moment there is no need for concern as neither form of worry correlates negatively with support for development assistance. However, garnering support for global solidarity remains an important task for policy-makers in developed countries. When the epicenter of the pandemic moves to the developing world and at the same time the consequences of the lockdowns become manifest in donor countries and trust in government decreases, public support for global solidarity may wane. ; This is a preprint of: Schneider, S. H., Eger, J., Bruder, M., Faust, J., & Wieler, L. H. (2021). Does the COVID-19 pandemic threaten global solidarity? Evidence from Germany. World Development, 140, 105356. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2020.105356 ; notReviewed ; other

The global COVID-19 pandemic poses challenges to the economy, politics and public health systems of developed and developing countries alike. However, the latter are less well placed to cope with adverse effects. In particular, important advances towards sustainable development might be reversed. Tackling the pandemic and its effects therefore requires global cooperation as well as solidarity in the form of development assistance. Yet, support for development assistance among donor publics might be dampened by individual health-related and economic worries as well as decreasing trust in government during the pandemic. Against this backdrop, we investigate the possible effect of pandemic-induced worries on public support for development assistance as well as the moderating role of moral considerations and trust in government. Drawing on literature on aid attitudes, and using survey data for Germany provided by the COVID-19 Snapshot Monitoring (COSMO) project from April 2020 (N = 1,006), our analyses show that neither health-related nor economic worries are associated with less support for providing development assistance during the first wave of the pandemic. However, we observe a marginal interaction between health-related worries and trust in government in predicting support for development assistance. For those with high levels of trust in government the effect of worry regarding the loss of friends or relatives on support for development assistance is positive, whereas it is close to zero for those with low levels of trust. We conclude that at the peak of the first wave of the pandemic there was little need for concern by policy-makers endorsing development assistance as neither form of worry correlated negatively with public support for development assistance and trust was high. However, when worries recur and trust in government simultaneously decreases, public support for global solidarity may wane. ; Peer Reviewed