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AbstractStudies have often found that recent immigrants have better mental health than natives, whereas established immigrants have no such advantage. This could be interpreted as evidence for immigrants' mental health deteriorating with residence duration—the "unhealthy assimilation hypothesis." However, the methods used in the literature are unfit to assess whether the mental health differences between recent and established immigrants are due to individual‐level deterioration in mental health, compositional differences between immigration cohorts, or selective remigration. This is because previous studies mostly rely on cross‐sectional data, incur in overcontrol bias, and/or fail to disentangle variation with time since arrival from variation with age or between cohorts. In this article, I propose a novel analytical strategy to test the unhealthy assimilation hypothesis. Using fixed‐ and random‐effect regressions stratified by immigrants' age at arrival and data from waves 1–11 of the UK household longitudinal study, I find no evidence that immigrants' mental health deteriorates with time since arrival: immigrants' mental health trajectories are in line with natives' trajectories with age, and the cross‐sectional finding of more established immigrants having worse mental health is driven by differences between individuals who migrated at different times.

Does the way scholars measure inequality of opportunity correspond to how people perceive it? To answer this question we must first clarify how scholars define and measure inequality of opportunity, we will then discuss the possible mechanisms linking objective measures and subjective perception of the phenomenon, and finally we test our hypothesis by merging data coming from two sources: the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (2011) and the International Social Survey Programme data (2009). We show that individual perception of unequal opportunity is heterogeneous across countries and among individuals. Moreover, the prevailing perception of the degree of unequal opportunity in a large sample of respondents is only weakly correlated with its objective measure. We estimate a multilevel model considering both individual and country level controls to explain individual perception of unequal opportunity. Our estimates suggest that one of the most adopted measure of inequality of opportunity has no significant role in explaining its perception. Conversely, other country level variables and personal experiences of intergenerational social mobility are important determinants of how inequality of opportunity is perceived.

Cooperazione e competizione sembrano comporre un dualismo di difficile coesistenza. Tuttavia, l'intreccio tra il pensiero gruppoanalitico e il microcredito modello Grameen pare riesca a superare questa prospettiva. In questo articolo proponiamo una discussione focalizzata sulla cooperazione e sulla competizione intese come due bisogni; due diversi modi di stare nelle relazioni umane. Il gruppo č il protagonista principale di questo dibattito inteso nella sua identitÀ di generatore di beni relazionali teoricamente infiniti. Altro punto centrale in questa discussione č il significato relazionale della parola oikos nomos (la 'regola della casa'), l'espressione greca da cui deriva la parola 'economia'. Questo ci porta all'idea di un sistema di condivisione che nasce dalla famiglia per estendersi alla comunitÀ e alla societÀ piů vasta.