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Introduced by tech entrepreneur and activist Eli Pariser in 2011, the 'filter bubble' is a persistent concept which suggests that search engines and social media, together with their recommendation and personalisation algorithms, are centrally culpable for the societal and ideological polarisation experienced in many countries: we no longer encounter a balanced and healthy information diet, but only see information that targets our established interests and reinforces our existing worldviews. Filter bubbles are seen as critical enablers of Brexit, Trump, Bolsonaro, and other populist political phenomena, and search and social media companies have been criticised for failing to prevent their development. Yet, there is scant empirical evidence for their existence, or for the related concept of 'echo chambers': indeed, search and social media users generally appear to encounter a highly centrist media diet that is, if anything, more diverse than that of non-users. However, the persistent use of these concepts in mainstream media and political debates has now created its own discursive reality that continues to impact materially on societal institutions, media and communication platforms, and ordinary users themselves. This article provides a critical review of the 'filter bubble' idea, and concludes that its persistence has served only to redirect scholarly attention from far more critical areas of enquiry.

This paper examines the rapid and ad hoc development and interactions of participative citizen communities during acute events, using the examples of the 2011 floods in Queensland, Australia, and the global controversy surrounding Wikileaks and its spokesman, Julian Assange. The self-organising community responses to such events which can be observed in these cases bypass or leapfrog, at least temporarily, most organisational or administrative hurdles which may otherwise frustrate the establishment of online communities; they fast-track the processes of community development and structuration. By understanding them as a form of rapid prototyping, e-democracy initiatives can draw important lessons from observing the community activities around such acute events.

"Über die letzten Jahre hat sich einige öffentliche und kommerzielle Aufmerksamkeit auf ein Phänomen gerichtet, das sich anschickt, die Medienlandschaft grundlegend zu verändern. Yahoo! kaufte Flickr. Google erwarb YouTube. Rupert Murdoch kaufte MySpace, und erklärte, die Zukunft seines NewsCorp-Imperiums läge eher in der nutzergesteuerten Inhaltserschaffung innerhalb solcher sozialer Medien als in seinen vielen Zeitungen, Fernsehsendern und anderen Medieninteressen (2005). Schließlich brach TIME mit seiner langetablierten Tradition, eine herausragende Persönlichkeit als 'Person des Jahres' zu nominieren, und wählte stattdessen 'You': uns alle, die wir online in Kollaboration Inhalte schaffen (2006)." (Autorenreferat)

Eine Möglichkeit, die mehr oder weniger absichtlich Inhalt schaffenden Aktivitäten der Teilnehmer in verschiedenen Onlinenutzergemeinschaften ohne Rückgriff auf im Industriezeitalter geprägte Begriffe wie Produktion und Konsum zu beschreiben, bietet das Portmanteau "Produtzung". Produtzung findet statt, wo Nutzer als Programmierer und Tester für Open-Source-Software aktive werden; wo Flickr- und YouTube-Nutzer Medieninhalte schaffen und sie diese Inhaltesammlung gemeinsam strukturieren. Der Autor skizziert anhand seines Konzepts der "Produtzung" die Möglichkeiten des Wandels von einer medialen zu einer politischen Beteiligungskultur. Als Beispiele dienen offene, nutzergestaltete "Produtzungsvorgänge" im Rahmen der Online-Enzyklopädie Wikipedia, nutzerorientierte Nachrichtenportale sowie politische Weblogs. (ICB2)

'Über die letzten Jahre hat sich einige öffentliche und kommerzielle Aufmerksamkeit auf ein Phänomen gerichtet, das sich anschickt, die Medienlandschaft grundlegend zu verändern. Yahoo! kaufte Flickr. Google erwarb YouTube. Rupert Murdoch kaufte MySpace, und erklärte, die Zukunft seines NewsCorp-Imperiums läge eher in der nutzergesteuerten Inhaltserschaffung innerhalb solcher sozialer Medien als in seinen vielen Zeitungen, Fernsehsendern und anderen Medieninteressen (2005). Schließlich brach TIME mit seiner langetablierten Tradition, eine herausragende Persönlichkeit als 'Person des Jahres' zu nominieren, und wählte stattdessen 'You': uns alle, die wir online in Kollaboration Inhalte schaffen (2006).' (Autorenreferat)

Social media use is now commonplace across journalism, in spite of lingering unease about the impact the networked, real-time logic of leading social media platforms may have on the quality of journalistic coverage. As a result, distinct journalistic voices are forced to compete more directly with experts, commentators, sources, and other stakeholders within the same space. Such shifting power relations may be observed also in the interactions between political journalists and their audiences on major social media platforms. This article therefore pursues a cross-national comparison of interactions between political journalists and their audiences on Twitter in Germany and Australia, documenting how the differences in the status of Twitter in each country's media environment manifest in activities and network interactions. In each country, we observed Twitter interactions around the national parliamentary press corps (the Bundespressekonferenz and the Federal Press Gallery), gathering all public tweets by and directed at the journalists' accounts during 2017. We examine overall activity and engagement patterns and highlight significant differences between the two national groups; and we conduct further network analysis to examine the prevalent connections and engagement between press corps journalists themselves, and between journalists, their audiences, and other interlocutors on Twitter. New structures of information flows, of influence, and thus ultimately of power relations become evident in this analysis.

Social media use is now commonplace across journalism, in spite of lingering unease about the impact the networked, real-time logic of leading social media platforms may have on the quality of journalistic coverage. As a result, distinct journalistic voices are forced to compete more directly with experts, commentators, sources, and other stakeholders within the same space. Such shifting power relations may be observed also in the interactions between political journalists and their audiences on major social media platforms. This article therefore pursues a cross-national comparison of interactions between political journalists and their audiences on Twitter in Germany and Australia, documenting how the differences in the status of Twitter in each country's media environment manifest in activities and network interactions. In each country, we observed Twitter interactions around the national parliamentary press corps (the Bundespressekonferenz and the Federal Press Gallery), gathering all public tweets by and directed at the journalists' accounts during 2017. We examine overall activity and engagement patterns and highlight significant differences between the two national groups; and we conduct further network analysis to examine the prevalent connections and engagement between press corps journalists themselves, and between journalists, their audiences, and other interlocutors on Twitter. New structures of information flows, of influence, and thus ultimately of power relations become evident in this analysis.

Against a backdrop of substantial and persistent disruption in Australian federal politics, this article examines the uses of Twitter in campaigning in the 2013 and 2016 federal elections. We comprehensively tracked the tweets posted by, and directed at, all candidates during the final 2 weeks of these campaigns, and compare patterns in candidate and audience activity across the two elections. This documents considerable shifts in campaigning strategies, electorate responses, and central themes of the debate from 2013 to 2016; we show that these shifts are in line with the changing electoral fortunes of Australia's major party blocs during an exceptionally tumultuous period in federal politics.

The recognition that Web 2.0 applications and social media sites will strengthen and improve interaction between governments and citizens has resulted in a global push into new e-democracy or Government 2.0 spaces. These typically follow government-to-citizen (g2c) or citizen-to-citizen (c2c) models, but both these approaches are problematic: g2c is often concerned more with service delivery to citizens as clients, or exists to make a show of 'listening to the public' rather than to genuinely source citizen ideas for government policy, while c2c often takes place without direct government participation and therefore cannot ensure that the outcomes of citizen deliberations are accepted into the government policy-making process. Building on recent examples of Australian Government 2.0 initiatives, we suggest a new approach based on government support for citizen-to-citizen engagement, or g4c2c, as a workable compromise, and suggest that public service broadcasters should play a key role in facilitating this model of citizen engagement.