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Despite a holistic approach that links democracy to human rights, integral development, and poverty, the Inter‐American Democratic Charter (IADC) is silent on the ties between democracy and security. Since the creation of the IADC, it has become increasingly evident that democracy and security are integrally interconnected in the Americas, but there is no mention in the IADC of how security issues might affect democracy and vice versa. It also fails to make an argument regarding the linkages between improved security and a robust democratic culture and is silent on the threats that transnational organized crime and internal criminal activity pose to democratic governance. This article analyzes the democracy–security nexus in Mexico, Central America, and the countries of the Caribbean Community. It reflects on the manner in which transnational criminal organizations threaten the political development of those states as well as traditional notions of sovereignty. The article advances recommendations on how to manage the security threats and underscores the need to link democracy and security more organically. It also recommends a future resolution project that links democracy and security and the IADC and multidimensional security, rather than reopening the text of the IADC, to strengthen the application of the instrument.

La V Cumbre de las Américas demostró la decisión del gobierno de Barack Obama de cambiar la perspectiva de las relaciones de su país con América Latina y el Caribe. Sin embargo, no hay que esperar cambios abruptos de un presidente que debe enfrentar problemas graves, como la crisis mundial y los conflictos en Oriente Medio. En cuanto a los países del Caribe, el nuevo gobierno estadounidense probablemente se focalizará en algunos casos, como Cuba o Haití, y en temas prioritarios, como las migraciones, el control del crimen organizado o la regulación de las jurisdicciones financieras offshore. El artículo asegura que no habrá milagros en el corto plazo, aunque tal vez sí un enfoque más estructurado por parte de Washington. (Nueva Soc/GIGA)

Faced with rapid changes in the global system, most Caribbean countries may seem to be doing everything right. The English-speaking Caribbean countries, in particular, have been exemplary in their practice of democracy and political stability. Others, such as Suriname and Haiti, are nurturing new democratic regimes. Economically, the region has followed the neoliberal reform rule book and implemented policies mandated by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. They have trimmed fiscal deficits, privatized state-owned commercial enterprises that were losing money, and liberalized their trading regimes. These measures have been implemented either by reform-minded governments or governments which have seen no alternative. Only Cuba continues to labor under a discredited, ideological model that does not encourage democracy, while its economy mirrors some version of "á la cartecapitalism" in the face of an accelerated US embargo.

Cuban foreign policy is most affected by the concerted campaign of the Reagan administration to make Cuba, the Caribbean and Central America significant geopolitical elements in the global confrontation with the USSR. Although the Caribbean region continues to take precedence in Cuban foreign policy, its agenda will be influenced by relations with the superpowers

En este trabajo se estudia la evolucion del comercio de los paises de la Organizacion de Estados del Caribe Oriental (OECO) con los demas miembros de la Comunidad del Caribe. Se describen los mecanismos de la Comunidad del Caribe para instrumentar un trato preferencial a los paises de la OECO, repasando las politicas comerciales y de tipo de cambio, que afectaron el funcionamiento de estos mecanismos