Suchergebnisse

"It's now that counts": the South in Hollywood's Sixties films / Oliver Gruner -- History without a capital h: violence, commodification, and the perpetuation of the postmodern condition in Django unchained / Daniel Farrell -- You're not the South: The outlaw Josey Wales, Ride with the devil, and confederate guerrillas in modern films / Bryan M. Jack -- Reconstruction on film: Free state of Jones and the historical memory of Reconstruction / Erik B. Alexander -- From Griffith to Parker: the representation of African Americans and the U.S. South in The birth of a nation 1915-2016 / Caroline Schroeter -- Roots reimagined / Todd Simpson -- The South as a space/place of reclamation of black fe/male inheritance / Kwakiutl Dreher -- Hollywood's southern strategy: portraying white Christianity in late twentieth-century civil rights melodramas / Megan Hunt -- Lesbian invisibility continued: the "straight-washing" of southern women in The color purple and Fried green tomatoes / Gene Kelly -- Intergenerational struggle and racial progress in The help and The butler / Tatiana Prorokova

"A story of former slaves searching for their own promised land after the Civil War. Fleeing the South, and trying to reach Kansas, many became stranded in St. Louis. Jack tells how the city's African American community provided food, shelter, and funds to help the Exodusters complete their journey"--Provided by publisher

"A story of former slaves searching for their own promised land after the Civil War. Fleeing the South, and trying to reach Kansas, many became stranded in St. Louis. Jack tells how the city's African American community provided food, shelter, and funds to help the Exodusters complete their journey"--Provided by publisher

For scholars of American political history, the 2016 election was a moment of methodological reassessment. After Donald Trump eviscerated his seemingly "respectable" GOP challengers in the Republican presidential primary and went on to win the general election, historians and theorists of the American Right rethought the reigning "ostracization thesis," a memorable phrase Edward H. Miller uses to describe a historiographical narrative grounded in the theory that American conservatives, led by Ronald Reagan, had prevailed in the 1980s by systematically purging their movement of extremists in the 1960s and 1970s (258). In 2017, Rick Perlstein, one of the most celebrated popular historians of the conservative movement, published an essay in the New York Times memorably titled "I Thought I Understood the American Right. Trump Proved Me Wrong." In it, he expressed regret for helping to forge this narrative in his first book, Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus (Hill and Wang, 2001). Cory Robin updated his influential book The Reactionary Mind (Oxford University Press, 2011; 2018) to account for Trump's ascendance. "Like most observers of American politics," Robin wrote in the preface to the second edition, "I was shocked by Trump's victory in the 2016 presidential election." But if the 2016 election prompted a critical reassessment, then the 2020 election and its chaotic coda (i.e., the attack on the US Capitol on January 6, 2021) prompted a scholarly reckoning not only with modern American conservatism, but also with the broader narrative arc of twentieth-century American politics. The four recent books under review here, which were all published after the 2020 election, represent some of the first revisionist fruits of this reckoning.

NPS NRP Technical Report ; The acquisition process for United States (U.S.) military systems has been developed and extended over its history to procure military capable systems. Adversary militaries from around the world are also acquiring systems with the intent to create opposition to those procured by the U.S. military. This ongoing process results in a canvas of capabilities and specifically the capability gaps between the U.S. military and its adversaries. As such, the identified capability gaps are a focus area for acquiring military systems. Programs of record (PoRs) are organizational avenue for addressing known capability gaps. However, underperforming PoRs are a known challenge in this process; underperforming PoRs are unable to deliver the expected capabilities. The result increases the risk of an underperforming U.S. military that lacks the necessary capabilities to compete with its adversaries. The project proposed within this document is intended to investigate this challenge and offer an initial solution. ; N8 - Integration of Capabilities & Resources ; This research is supported by funding from the Naval Postgraduate School, Naval Research Program (PE 0605853N/2098). https://nps.edu/nrp ; Chief of Naval Operations (CNO) ; Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

NPS NRP Executive Summary ; The acquisition process for United States (U.S.) military systems has been developed and extended over its history to procure military capable systems. Adversary militaries from around the world are also acquiring systems with the intent to create opposition to those procured by the U.S. military. This ongoing process results in a canvas of capabilities and specifically the capability gaps between the U.S. military and its adversaries. As such, the identified capability gaps are a focus area for acquiring military systems. Programs of record (PoRs) are organizational avenue for addressing known capability gaps. However, underperforming PoRs are a known challenge in this process; underperforming PoRs are unable to deliver the expected capabilities. The result increases the risk of an underperforming U.S. military that lacks the necessary capabilities to compete with its adversaries. The project proposed within this document is intended to investigate this challenge and offer an initial solution. ; N8 - Integration of Capabilities & Resources ; This research is supported by funding from the Naval Postgraduate School, Naval Research Program (PE 0605853N/2098). https://nps.edu/nrp ; Chief of Naval Operations (CNO) ; Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

ResumenThere are multiple theoretical accounts of how actors address problems of collective action in policy networks, but the two most prominent hypotheses are the risk and belief homophily hypotheses. The risk hypothesis claims that relational structures (e.g., bridging, bonding) depend on the benefits actors receive from uncooperative behavior, while the belief homophily hypothesis claims that relational ties form around shared policy beliefs. This study incorporates the case of autism and special education policy, a subsystem best characterized by Berardo and Scholz's (2010) conceptualization of a low‐risk environment, to test hypotheses about the influence of risk, policy beliefs, and trust on the formation on relational ties in education policy networks. Utilizing data from a 2016 network survey of public and private special education stakeholders in Virginia, results from exponential random graph models provide support for the effects of bridging structures, beliefs related to the medical model of disability, and social trust on strong (collaboration) and weak (information/advice) relational ties in policy networks. The findings reinforce the importance of using policy networks to understand how actors build connections across multiple jurisdictions and policy sectors to mitigate problems of coordination in policy decision making and implementation.

Building on recent studies of social pressure and group conformity in peer groups, I apply a social identity framework from social psychology to the study of political networks. Using the American National Election Studies (ANES) 2008-2009 Panel Study, I test several hypotheses regarding the relationship between peer networks, the salience of partisan identity, and the consequences for intergroup attitudinal and affective polarization. The findings suggest that peer network homogeneity produces the strongest association with more salient partisan identities across several network characteristics, including cohesiveness, sophistication, and density. Both the salience of partisan identities and network homogeneity are also linked to significant intergroup polarization, that is, differences in in-group and out-group partisan affect. The current research contributes to the existing literature on political networks by highlighting the role of social identities and providing a theoretical framework worth considering for future research.

It is not surprising that inequality exists in Central America given its turbulent history of class conflict and racial discrimination. This history must not be forgotten when considering countries such as Honduras and Mexico as it has helped shape their national personas. Nevertheless, analyzing inequality in Central American societies is no simple task as most have only enjoyed democracy for a few short decades and can easily recall brutal dictatorships. Furthermore, when looking at national characteristics that form the countries' identities such as national anthems, flags, or currency the tumultuous past and societal problems are often conveniently left out. In order to understand how the State in Honduras and Mexico has constructed a public history and thus national identity, the currency of the respective Central American countries may be used as a vehicle of exploration. I found that by looking at the images depicted on Mexican Pesos and Honduran Lempiras, the countries' problems of indigenous inequality become evident. The currencies represent countries of proud historical figures, integrated populations, and rich landscapes by including imagery of war heroes, indigenous ruins, or natural resources. However, I argue that the historical portrait produced by the imagery, manufactured in the 20th century, is not so much an accurate portrayal of the countries' indigenous history as it is an illustration employed by colonial hierarchy to establish a unified modern identity that justifies the exploitation of classes. My project highlights the fact that many indigenous groups are underrepresented and mistreated in Honduras, a country that has experienced a movement to 'whiten' its society ever since the times of colonization. Likewise, the figures of indigenous culture on the Mexican currency routinely appear in positions that portray them as inferior to figures of Hispanic identity, which highlight the societal problem of defining 'Indians' as poverty-stricken individuals stuck in the Third World. However, all is not lost as there have been multiple efforts on behalf of the underrepresented minority groups to gain equal rights and representation in government to break inequality.

Although few studies have explored the link between emotion and political talk, here I argue that political disagreement depolarizes emotional reactions via information exchanged in social networks. Analyzing data from the ANES 2008-2009 Panel Study, several conclusions are drawn. First, disagreement increases negative emotions and decreases positive emotions toward the in-party candidate, and also increases positive emotions and decreases negative emotions toward the out-party candidate. In other words, disagreement depolarizes emotions toward political candidates. Second, the affective impact of disagreement does not vary with political knowledge. Finally, positive emotions toward the out-party candidate and negative emotions toward the in-party candidate reduce political interest, candidate issue placement accuracy, and political participation. Overall, this study develops important theoretical connections between affect and political talk that have implications for the value of political disagreement. Adapted from the source document.