Suchergebnisse

Following devolution to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, does England need a stronger political voice and/or constitutional changes to safeguard its identity and interests (the 'English question')? Polling and other evidence suggests that it does, albeit more to redress inequities associated with voting in paliament (the 'West Lothian question') and the distribution of public spending (the 'Barnett formula') than to safeguard its identity. Although campaigners for English devolution have had little impact, and alternative institutional responses to the English question are all problematic, it would be imprudent of the major parties to do nothing. The least difficult course would be adoption of English votes on English matters and reform or replacement of the Barnett formula. (Nations and Nationalism)

ABSTRACT. Following devolution to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, does England need a stronger political voice and/or constitutional changes to safeguard its identity and interests? (the 'English question'). Polling and other evidence suggests that it does, albeit more to redress inequities associated with voting in parliament (the 'West Lothian question') and the distribution of public spending (the 'Barnett formula') than to safeguard its identity. Although campaigners for English devolution have had little impact, and alternative institutional responses to the English question are all problematic, it would be imprudent of the major parties to do nothing. The least difficult course would be adoption of English votes on English matters and reform or replacement of the Barnett formula.

Abstract. Devolution to Scotland and Wales has not yet led to popular demand for a new constitutional settlement for England, but it has led to renewed debate about who the English are. One reason why the English find this a difficult question is that there is more than one construction of England with which to engage. This paper distinguishes four constructions, each with its distinctive orientation to time and place: Anglo‐British England, Little England, English England and Cosmopolitan England. Each has its light and dark sides. Each also enjoys considerable currency, but none has an exclusive appeal. Cosmopolitan England may be thought to constitute the future, but the uneven cosmopolitanisation of the regions will continue to complicate the collective representation of England.

Completion of the European Community's single internal market by 31 December 1992 is intended to secure the free movement of goods, services, capital and labour within the Community. This article examines the 1992 project with special reference to harmonisation and variation among the twelve members of the EC, `Social Europe' and the Social Charter, `Citizens' Europe', and the wider European context following the collapse of state socialism in Eastern Europe. It is argued that the interaction between the neo-liberalism of the single market, other EC policies, and the various historic practices of the twelve will generate highly complex outcomes for the Community as a whole and for individual members. Novel social and political forms - some of them hard even to conceptualise - may be expected. The same may be said of Eastern Europe. Throughout the continent sociologists will have an indispensible part to play in making the provenance and character of the various outcomes understandable to all concerned.