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Wygrane przez Donalda Trumpa – dzięki odwołaniu do wartości i narracji konserwatywnej –wybory prezydenckie wywołały wstrząs w społeczeństwie amerykańskim. Nowy prezydent z powodzeniem ograniczył postępującą oligarchizację życia politycznego Stanów Zjednoczonych. Zdołał pokonać Hilary Clinton z jej wizją państwa – oligarchii wspieranej przez klienckie grupy tożsamościowe. Trump skoncentrował swoją retorykę i kierunki polityki na solidarności społecznej w ramach państwa narodowego opartego na wartościach republikańskich. Stanął w opozycji zarówno do liberałów, jak i do libertarian złączonych w walce przeciwko niemu. Widać tu konfl ikt dwóch modeli interesu wspólnotowego w ujęciu Vilfredo Pareto. Ponadto dostrzec można podobieństwa do prezydentury Ronalda Regana, jednakże trudno pominąć zasadnicze rozbieżności (Trump – człowiek wielkiego biznesu z ogromnym majątkiem osobistym, niemający doświadczenia politycznego i niepełniący wcześniej funkcji publicznych). Sama wizja "wielkiej Ameryki" jest stworzonym przez Trumpa zjawiskiem społecznym, opartym na retoryce wielkości i władzy wykorzystywanej jednak przy wdrażaniu rzeczywistych zmian polityki państwa (np. nominacje sędziowskie). Oprócz tego nowy prezydent zapewnił Partii Republikańskiej wyjście z kryzysu, dając szansę na gruntowną i zasadniczą reorientację systemu politycznego USA. Intuicja polityczna i doświadczenie przedsiębiorcy pozwalają Trumpowi na obalenie monopolu retoryki politycznej poprawności wraz z moralnym dyktatem nowomowy i rozproszonymi formami cenzury. Brutalna retoryka i specyfi czne poczucie humoru towarzyszące autentycznemu optymizmowi self-made man, wraz z biznesową mentalnością, pozwoliły Donaldowi Trumpowi na przetrwanie ostracyzmu elit oraz zaciętych ataków mediów liberalnych. Nowy prezydent zajął miejsce trybuna "twardej Ameryki" (Michael Barone) stając w opozycji do liberalnej pogardy dla "godnych pożałowania". Trump identyfi kuje się jako budowniczy, człowiek działania, doświadczony i ostry gracz świata wielkich interesów. Sama Ameryka dlań to naród budowniczych. Nowa prezydentura jest również symbolicznym zakończeniem porządku ustanowionego w USA i Europie Zachodniej po roku 1945. ; Donald Trump utilizes conservative values and narrative to gain power in elections, causing profound social turmoil (to hell with political correctness) and successfully attempts to limit oligarchization of American political life. He was able to defeat Hilary Clinton with her vision of liberal oligarchy supported by identity clientele groups. Trump focused his rhetoric and policies on social solidarity in a nation state fueled by republican values, thus opposing both liberals and libertarians joined against him in a confl ict of two models of common interest in V. Pareto's understanding. Some similarities to Ronald Regan's presidency are visible, albeit major diff erences (business background, massive personal wealth, lack of political experience or administrative career) must be noticed. Trump's vision "Great America" is a construed temporal social phenomenon, based on rhetoric of greatness and power, used however to implement real and profound policy changes (e.g. nominations to SCOTUS and federal courts). Moreover, Trump saves Republicans from political stalemate or even crisis, as they regain a chance to reorient the political system in a radical manner. His political intuition and business experience allowed Trump to overthrow the rhetoric of political correctness, liberal dispersed censorship and newspeak dictate of public morality. Brutal rhetoric and peculiar sense of humor combined with sincere optimism of a "self-made man" and entrepreneurial mentality allowed Trump to survive both ostracism of elites and ferocious attack of liberal media. He established himself as a representative and voice of "Hard America" (M. Barone), opposed to liberal despise for the "deplorable". Trump indentifi es himself as a man of action, rough business player and a builder, America to him is a nation of builders. Trump's victory is a symbolic ending of the American and Western order established after 1945.

"Richard J. Neuhaus was a fascinating phenomenon. A first-rate public intellectual, in the 1960s he was a civil rights Lutheran activist for the equality of black Americans within the circle of Martin Luther King. He was a socially active priestintellectual. Neuhaus's life was a life of an incessant burning passion, a Christian acutely aware that the times in which he lived were not ordinary times. He was at ease with the world and with people of all walks of life because he knew where the anchor was, a living embodiment of a truth found in the old maps of Christian antiquity, where Jerusalem was always at the center, the axis mundi – a blatant cartographical error, but a theological truth. At a time of ubiquitous disenchantment, Neuhaus was one of the greatest apologists of Christendom of today, a spectacular feast when Christendom was consigned by the majority of modern Western cognoscenti either to the ash heap of history or, at best, to a psychotherapeutic spirituality. His apology for Christendom, and the Catholic Church in that, stemmed from his understanding that Christianity, with all its sins, created and has been a defender of human freedom in the most fundamental, anthropological, but also political sense. A possible demise of Christianity would thus constitute in his judgment a menace to freedom even for those who battled it."(.)

"The present volume is as baroque and diverse as the United States. It is a mere motley of articles dealing with the country's past and a present which has moved the imagination mainly of young authors, approaching the phenomenon of America mainly from the European perspective."(.)

"The United States is a quintessentially modern nation, in fact the first modern nation in history. In America all the problems of modernity happened first, and all the answers to the problems encountered have been tried accordingly. In the 1830s Alexis de Tocqueville defined the problems America experienced as a universal problem of democracy, but democracy here could as well mean modernity. The experiment which was called America has for this reason always been a challenge for Europe and the rest of the world, with very ambivalent feelings towards it. For some, hatred of America comes easily, spontaneously; for others love and reverence for her is spontantenous. Both passions come from the same understanding: that in America everything which has happened to human beings may happen to the people of modernity sooner or later. For some, it is a reason for trembling with fear. For others the reason for hope. This hope comes from a realization, to paraphrase Winston Churchill, that if in a modern civilization we encounter a situation when everything has been tried and failed, there is still hope that Americans will come with a proper solution to the challenge. In that sense, America is a homeland of all people of modernity, whether we like it or not, and we may say that whoever hates America, hates today, to a certain extent, humankind."(.)

"Harvey C. Mansfield is one of the most distinguished American political philosophers writing today, standing at the very center of a bitter debate over the ultimate meaning of political life in modernity, and here, arguably the most prominent conservative academic teaching in a major American university. Mansfield is usually described as a conservative, or in recent years as neoconservative, due to the prominence some of his alleged students achieved in the ranks of George W. Bush's administration. But this is a very inadequate label, unless it is intended to mean, in general, that he is not a liberal in the contemporary use of the word in America, and that he has had many students who have achieved public prominence, also in the conservative ranks. Mansfield in a personal description of his thought concurs with being labeled as a conservative, using the equivocal understatement that "some people, with some reason, call [me] a conservative". But whatever the merits and demerits of such a description, it seems too narrow, and thus woefully incomplete. Mansfield's range of thought and writings is so wide, so versatile, and his presence as a public intellectual commenting on various aspects of contemporary cultural and political life so ubiquitous, that it would be difficult to compress his intellectual and public activities in such a way as to put on it a definite conservative identification. "(.)

"The United States and the European Union have become an arena of interesting developments, political as well as cultural, in the post-communist, post-1989 world. The issues concern such fundamental problems as the meaning of the West, the unity or discontinuity between the European and American civilizations, attitudes to the crises of modernity, attitudes to modernization of the East-European part of the European Union. There are several interrelated problems here. One is the hegemonic status of the United States. The challenge for America is to find military and political means to secure its national interests without provoking an anti-US across-the-board coalition, and without subordinating its sovereign, constitutionally established power, to international law, institutions, and powerful NGOs with their own interests and ideological agendas. With this goes a crucial issue of how to combine this hegemonic status with the soft cultural power: not the unchallenged mass culture, but 'culture' understood as the American metaphor of democracy, republican participation against post-political bureaucratic tendencies, religious freedom and plurality, freedom of opportunity and solidarity as opposed to the mindless pursuit of equality – mechanical and based on resentment. The other problem concerns the claim of the European Union, even if recently muffled, to form itself into a new and morally higher civilization not just in terms of economic growth, but as an ideological and cultural model of the first post-national, post-political and post-metaphysical empire based on the administration of human rights."(.)