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The expansion of higher education raises the risk environment for school-leavers as more occupations become partially graduate with the result that occupational signals are fuzzy. This makes the educational decision more difficult and more risky, especially with more of the cost of higher education being transferred to the individual. After a discussion of the nature of risk, derived from Beck, and of the role of government policy and of economics in obscuring this, the analysis uses simple quantitative techniques, based on British Labour Force Survey data, to demonstrate the increased fuzziness of graduate work. It is also shown that a rising proportion of graduates receive only average pay, thus raising the risks associated with educational investments even further.
BASE
In: Sociology: the journal of the British Sociological Association, Band 47, Heft 2, S. 284-300
ISSN: 1469-8684
The expansion of higher education raises the risk environment for school-leavers as more occupations become partially graduate with the result that occupational signals are fuzzy. This makes the educational decision more difficult and more risky, especially with more of the cost of higher education being transferred to the individual. After a discussion of the nature of risk, derived from Beck, and of the role of government policy and of economics in obscuring this, the analysis uses simple quantitative techniques, based on British Labour Force Survey data, to demonstrate the increased fuzziness of graduate work. It is also shown that a rising proportion of graduates receive only average pay, thus raising the risks associated with educational investments even further.
Are social (occupational) classes coherent, distinct entities? While they reflect an underlying reality, they are more fragmented than theory suggests. It is hypothesised that skill mismatches mean that each class includes a substantial proportion of poorly paid people who could be in the class below and highly paid people who could be in the class above, or in a class alone. This is tested for the service classes using the British Labour Force Survey. It is then shown using the British Household Panel Study that people within the service classes have differing class backgrounds, different class perceptions, and different political views depending on their hourly pay.
BASE
In: The information society: an international journal, Band 20, Heft 4, S. 301-302
ISSN: 1087-6537
In: European journal of communication, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 230-231
ISSN: 1460-3705
In: Routledge advances in sociology 45
The book is comprised of empirical analyses of the relationships people have during their lives and how these affect their individual welfare. These include relationships between members of a couple, between parents and children, between the children themselves and between non-related individuals
In: Work, employment and society: a journal of the British Sociological Association, Band 26, Heft 4, S. 574-587
ISSN: 1469-8722
The pay gap between white British workers and other ethnic groups is largely in favour of whites, which suggests that discrimination might be a factor. However, discrimination can occur at two points, at entry to the job and within the job. In the former case non-whites might find it difficult to work in well-paid occupations; in the latter they obtain the same sorts of jobs as whites but receive less pay. There is therefore predominantly either job or wage discrimination. We use the British Labour Force Survey 1993–2008 to show that much of the pay gap is explained by occupational segregation while within occupations the ethnic pay gap is far less substantial. Occupational segregation therefore has strong negative effects, but if minorities are over-represented in occupations with a positive wage gap, then there is also a 'protective' element to segregation.
In: Economics of education review, Band 28, Heft 1, S. 114-121
ISSN: 0272-7757
In: Political communication: an international journal, Band 20, Heft 1, S. 59-77
ISSN: 1091-7675
In: Political communication, Band 20, Heft 1, S. 59-78
ISSN: 1058-4609
In: Political studies: the journal of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom, Band 49, Heft 2, S. 265-285
ISSN: 1467-9248
The difficulty with resolving the classic problem of whether newspapers influence voting patterns is self-selection: readers select a paper to fit their politics, and newspapers select particular types of readers. One way round this chicken-and-egg problem is to compare the voting behaviour of individuals whose politics are reinforced by their paper, with those who are cross-pressured by their paper, and to compare both with those who do not regularly read a paper. Using the British Household Panel study to analyse voting patterns in 1992 and 1997, this study suggest that newspapers have a statistically significant effect on voting, larger for Labour than Conservative sympathizers, and larger for the 1992 than the 1997 election. The broader implications of these findings for British politics and democracy are discussed.
In: Political studies, Band 49, Heft 2, S. 265-285
ISSN: 0032-3217
The difficulty with resolving the classic problem of whether newspapers influence voting patterns is self-selection: readers select a paper to fit their politics, & newspapers select particular types of readers. One way round this chicken-&-egg problem is to compare the voting behavior of individuals whose politics are reinforced by their paper, with those who are cross-pressured by their paper, & to compare both with those who do not regularly read a paper. Using the British Household Panel study to analyze voting patterns in 1992 & 1997, this study suggest that newspapers have a statistically significant effect on voting, larger for Labour than Conservative sympathizers, & larger for the 1992 than the 1997 election. The broader implications of these findings for British politics & democracy are discussed. 6 Tables, 2 Figures, 1 Appendix, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Political studies, Band 49, Heft 2, S. 265-285
ISSN: 0032-3217
In: Political studies: the journal of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom, Band 47, Heft 2, S. 219-239
ISSN: 1467-9248
The paper examines individual-level data from the first six waves of the British Household Panel Survey, 1991–96. The analysis shows that changes in party support in this period were significantly affected by two sets of factors that have traditionally been regarded as important sources of changes in voters' political preferences: ideology and personal economic experiences. Ideological change is demonstrated to have much stronger direct effects on party preference than economic factors. However, both objective economic conditions and subjective economic perceptions are shown to have significant effects on ideological change itself, implying that economic factors also exert important indirect effects on voters' partisan preferences. These individual-level findings provide important corroboration for the results of aggregate-level studies, which have consistently found that economic factors – and in particular economic perceptions – play a major role in determining patterns of partisan support.