Suchergebnisse

Through the application of "neoliberal" principles - private property rights, markets, and deregulation - the aim of Chile's 1981 Water Code was to foster user investment in water infrastructure and efficiency in water use. However, the Water Code is increasingly being challenged over its association with the over-exploitation of water bodies for economic gain at the expense of human and environmental needs. Many analyses have examined how the Water Code affects water management but have paid less attention to water governance: the institutional structures, processes, and practices of decision-making around water. The aim of this paper is thus to analyse how the Water Code has configured governance, how this governance has shaped the social relations of control over water, and how these social relations of control over water configure the wider political-economic order of the country. While analyses of governance as the practice of regulation shed light on the nature and functioning of the Water Code, the paper argues that approaching governance as the process of regulation-making reveals the power relations embedded in the framework and how these have transformed water-society relations to privilege capitalist and elite power. Revealing the power relations in the design, implementation, and defence of the Water Code both reveals the limitations of existing proposals for change and indicates new avenues for hydrosocial transformation. ; Mediante la aplicación de principios "neoliberales" (derechos de propiedad privada, mercados y desregulación), el objetivo del Código de Aguas de Chile de 1981 era fomentar la inversión de los usuarios en la infraestructura hidráulica y la eficiencia en el uso del agua. Sin embargo, el Código de Aguas se ve cada vez más cuestionado por su asociación con la sobreexplotación de los cuerpos de agua para obtener ganancias económicas a expensas de las necesidades básicas y la protección ambiental. Muchos análisis han examinado los efectos del Código del Agua en la gestión del agua, ...

Recent studies have reconceptualized infrastructure as comprising both material and social processes, thus offering insights into lived experiences, governance, and socio-spatial reordering. More specific attention to infrastructure's temporality has challenged its supposed inertia and inevitable completeness, leading to an engagement with questions of the dynamics of infrastructure over different phases of its lifespan, and their generative effects. In this paper, we advance these debates through a focus on the processes of decay, maintenance, and repair that characterize such phases of infrastructural life, by exploring how specific infrastructures are materially shaped by, and shape, social, political, and socio-ecological arrangements. Our intervention has two related aims: first, to conceptualize decay, maintenance, and repair as both temporal phases of infrastructure's dynamic materiality and its specific affective conditions; second, to trace how these phases of infrastructural life rework embodied labor, differentiated citizenship, and socio-ecological relations. We argue that attention to infrastructure's "temporal fragility" elucidates the articulation between everyday capacities and desires to labor, the creation of and demands made by political constituents, and the uneven distribution of opportunities and resources.

Between 2013 and 2015, São Paulo experienced a major drought. With drinking water reservoirs reduced to 5% of their capacity, the water supply company, SABESP, implemented measures to reduce household water consumption, and the government of São Paulo state overruled watershed committees to prioritize the supply of water to SABESP. While attention centered on freak meteorological conditions, the management of water resources and water services also played a role; in particular the conversion of SABESP from a state utility to a mixed capital company in which the state government held a majority stake. As the crisis abated, the state government announced measures to increase 'water security', comprising water diversion infrastructure to increase supply alongside governance reforms to improve state-led responses. This paper examines the relationship between water security and water governance in the context of the São Paulo water crisis. We demonstrate how processes and structures that are broadly characteristic of 'good governance' both exacerbated the effects of the drought and constrained responses to it. We make two related arguments. First, the mutually-beneficial commercial relationship between the state government and SABESP was fundamental in shaping these dynamics. Second, the drought experience, shaped by these dynamics, has legitimized a shift back towards a centralized, top-down and supply-led approach to water. This is discursively framed as envisaging future 'water security', yet serves to enhance SABESP's revenue streams, and consequently state government finances. We thus contend that the conventional view that good governance is conducive to water security needs to be reevaluated.

This is a conference paper. ; This paper is based on the early stages of a research project funded by the Department for International Development (DFID) on Social Marketing (SM) for latrines in poor urban settlements in Africa. It aims to develop and test a SM approach to latrine promotion. This project considers it likely that a well-designed marketing programme can significantly increase latrine demand and coverage. If successful, it hopes to influence sanitation policy-makers, government bodies, NGOs and international agencies to modify their approach to urban latrine promotion. This paper examines the opportunities and challenges presented by SM theory and practice for sanitation promotion.

Since the 1970s, the Government of Ethiopia has implemented villagization, whereby nomadic pastoralist groups are supported to develop (more) sedentary lifestyles and livelihoods. Villagization has been officially promoted to encourage diversification from livestock herding to agricultural cultivation, and to fulfil basic needs through infrastructure and services. From the late 2000s, villagization was reintroduced for arid and semi-arid regions as a strategy for adaptation to climate change, as part of the country's green growth agenda. The aim of this paper is to evaluate to what extent this phase of villagization has contributed to adaptation strategies among pastoral and agro-pastoral communities, based on an empirical analysis of four villagised sites in the Middle Awash Valley using qualitative data collected between 2014 and 2018. Perceptions and experiences of villagization varied across individuals, households, villages, and districts. While villagization has generally delivered infrastructure and services, and offered income diversification to those able to access irrigated agriculture, its implementation has been partial and uneven, and it has reproduced previous problems of resource scarcity while creating new risks and vulnerabilities. We argue that villagization may play a role in some aspects of adaptation, if programmes address the drivers of livelihood change, and embed equity and rights.

Presenting case studies by anthropologists, historians, political scientists, and environmental specialists,Lost in the Long Transition critically examines the impact of neoliberal economic and social policies at the local level in post-dictatorship Chile. Topics include privatization of water rights, tuberculosis and public health crises, the role of labor unions, industrial salmon farming, natural resource conservation, the political ecology of copper, struggles for affordable housing, homelessness and citizenship rights, and gender identity issues in the experiences of returned exiles

Household water insecurity has serious implications for the health, livelihoods and wellbeing of people around the world. Existing methods to assess the state of household water insecurity focus largely on water quality, quantity or adequacy, source or reliability, and affordability. These methods have significant advantages in terms of their simplicity and comparability, but are widely recognized to oversimplify and underestimate the global burden of household water insecurity. In contrast, a broader definition of household water insecurity should include entitlements and human capabilities, sociocultural dynamics, and political institutions and processes. This paper proposes a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods that can be widely adopted across cultural, geographic, and demographic contexts to assess hard-to-measure dimensions of household water insecurity. In doing so, it critically evaluates existing methods for assessing household water insecurity and suggests ways in which methodological innovations advance a broader definition of household water insecurity.

Water sharing offers insight into the everyday and, at times, invisible ties that bind people and households with water and to one another. Water sharing can take many forms, including so-called "pure gifts," balanced exchanges, and negative reciprocity. In this paper, we examine water sharing between households as a culturally-embedded practice that may be both need-based and symbolically meaningful. Drawing on a wide-ranging review of diverse literatures, we describe how households practice water sharing cross-culturally in the context of four livelihood strategies (hunter-gatherer, pastoralist, agricultural, and urban). We then explore how cross-cutting material conditions (risks and costs/benefits, infrastructure and technologies), socio-economic processes (social and political power, water entitlements, ethnicity and gender, territorial sovereignty), and cultural norms (moral economies of water, water ontologies, and religious beliefs) shape water sharing practices. Finally, we identify five new directions for future research on water sharing: conceptualization of water sharing; exploitation and status accumulation through water sharing, biocultural approaches to the health risks and benefits of water sharing, cultural meanings and socio-economic values of waters shared; and water sharing as a way to enact resistance and build alternative economies.

Water sharing offers insight into the everyday and, at times, invisible ties that bind people and households with water and to one another. Water sharing can take many forms, including so‐called "pure gifts," balanced exchanges, and negative reciprocity. In this study, we examine water sharing between households as a culturally embedded practice that may be both need‐based and symbolically meaningful. Drawing on a wide‐ranging review of diverse literatures, we describe how households practice water sharing cross‐culturally in the context of four livelihood strategies (hunter‐gatherer, pastoralist, agricultural, and urban). We then explore how cross‐cutting material conditions (risks and costs/benefits, infrastructure and technologies), socioeconomic processes (social and political power, water entitlements, ethnicity and gender, territorial sovereignty), and cultural norms (moral economies of water, water ontologies, and religious beliefs) shape water sharing practices. Finally, we identify five new directions for future research on water sharing: conceptualization of water sharing; exploitation and status accumulation through water sharing, biocultural approaches to the health risks and benefits of water sharing, cultural meanings and socioeconomic values of waters shared; and water sharing as a way to enact resistance and build alternative economies.