Suchergebnisse

The strategic studies have emerged at Spanish universities in recent decades, as a subfield of specialised knowledge with contributions from multiple disciplines, particularly from the political science. The aim of this research note is twofold: on the one hand, to examine its research agenda in order to fill a gap in the Spanish scientific literature, mapping its evolution between 1978 and 2018; on the other hand, to contribute to the broad international academic debate about its development. Thus, it presents the events that have aroused the interest of the academic community and analyzes the addressed areas and strategic issues. To this end, a content analysis has been conducted of more than 700 articles published in nineteen scientific journals printed in Spain. First of all, the results show the effective growth of the academic production, especially in the last twenty years. Second of all, it is noticed that the Spanish research agenda has been mainly influenced by the competition between great powers and their impact on the international order, the emergence of international terrorism, as well as the Spanish "military problem" and Spain's participation in international organisations. The conclusions point to the focus of research on the political level, the state sphere and with an international security perspective, to the detriment of a deeper strategic reflection on the political effects of the use of armed force and defence and military policies. ; Los estudios estratégicos han emergido en las últimas décadas en la Universidad española como un subcampo de conocimiento especializado, con aportaciones de múltiples disciplinas, singularmente desde la ciencia política. El objetivo de esta nota de investigación es doble: por un lado, examinar su agenda de investigación con el fin de completar un vacío en la literatura científica española, cartografiando su evolución entre los años 1978 y 2018; por otro, contribuir al amplio debate académico internacional sobre su desarrollo. Así, expone los eventos que han concitado el interés de la comunidad académica y analiza las áreas y asuntos estratégicos abordados. Para ello se ha realizado un análisis del contenido de más de setecientos artículos publicados en diecinueve revistas científicas editadas en España. Los resultados evidencian, en primer término, el efectivo crecimiento de la producción académica, especialmente en los últimos veinte años. En segundo lugar, se observa que la competencia entre grandes potencias y su impacto en el orden internacional, la emergencia del terrorismo internacional, así como el «problema militar» y la participación de España en organismos internacionales han sido los temas que han estimulado principalmente la agenda de trabajo española. Las conclusiones señalan la concentración de la investigación en el nivel político, en el ámbito estatal y con una perspectiva de seguridad internacional, en detrimento de una reflexión estratégica más profunda sobre los efectos políticos del empleo de la fuerza armada y las políticas de defensa y militar.

Este trabajo ha contado con la financiación del Programa de Ayudas para Contratos Predoctorales de Formación de Profesorado Universitario (FPU) 2015 del Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades. El autor agradece los comentarios a versiones previas del trabajo de Javier Jordán, Guadalupe Martínez-Fuentes y Alberto Díaz, así como las aportaciones de los participantes de sendos grupos de trabajo de los congresos de la AECPA sobre institucionalización de la ciencia política. Igualmente agradece las críticas y sugerencias recibidas por parte de los dos evaluadores anónimos. ; Los estudios estratégicos han emergido en las últimas décadas en la Universidad española como un subcampo de conocimiento especializado, con aportaciones de múltiples disciplinas, singularmente desde la ciencia política. El objetivo de esta nota de investigación es doble: por un lado, examinar su agenda de investigación con el fin de completar un vacío en la literatura científica española, cartografiando su evolución entre los años 1978 y 2018; por otro, contribuir al amplio debate académico internacional sobre su desarrollo. Así, expone los eventos que han concitado el interés de la comunidad académica y analiza las áreas y asuntos estratégicos abordados. Para ello se ha realizado un análisis del contenido de más de setecientos artículos publicados en diecinueve revistas científicas editadas en España. Los resultados evidencian, en primer término, el efectivo crecimiento de la producción académica, especialmente en los últimos veinte años. En segundo lugar, se observa que la competencia entre grandes potencias y su impacto en el orden internacional, la emergencia del terrorismo internacional, así como el «problema militar» y la participación de España en organismos internacionales han sido los temas que han estimulado principalmente la agenda de trabajo española. Las conclusiones señalan la concentración de la investigación en el nivel político, en el ámbito estatal y con una perspectiva de seguridad internacional, en detrimento de una reflexión estratégica más profunda sobre los efectos políticos del empleo de la fuerza armada y las políticas de defensa y militar. ; The strategic studies have emerged at Spanish universities in recent decades, as a subfield of specialised knowledge with contributions from multiple disciplines, particularly from the political science. The aim of this research note is twofold: on the one hand, to examine its research agenda in order to fill a gap in the Spanish scientific literature, mapping its evolution between 1978 and 2018; on the other hand, to contribute to the broad international academic debate about its development. Thus, it presents the events that have aroused the interest of the academic community and analyzes the addressed areas and strategic issues. To this end, a content analysis has been conducted of more than 700 articles published in nineteen scientific journals printed in Spain. First of all, the results show the effective growth of the academic production, especially in the last twenty years. Second of all, it is noticed that the Spanish research agenda has been mainly influenced by the competition between great powers and their impact on the international order, the emergence of international terrorism, as well as the Spanish "military problem" and Spain's participation in international organisations. The conclusions point to the focus of research on the political level, the state sphere and with an international security perspective, to the detriment of a deeper strategic reflection on the political effects of the use of armed force and defence and military policies.

Los Estudios Estratégicos son un campo académico y profesional interdisciplinar de ya larga tradición en el mundo anglosajón, pero todavía en sus primeras fases desarrollo en España. Por esta razón, este artículo pretende contribuir a su consolidación y estudio. Para ello, en primer lugar aborda sus fundamentos conceptuales, partiendo del término estrategia. En segundo, presenta el encaje disciplinar del campo y debate una de sus características constitutivas, como es su interés por contribuir a las políticas públicas. A continuación describe el desarrollo histórico experimentado hasta llegar a los temas que copan la agenda en la actualidad. Por último, plantea unas conclusiones con el fin de resaltar la importancia de tener un campo de conocimiento dedicado al estudio del poder militar. ; Strategic Studies is an interdisciplinary academic and professional field with a long tradition in the Anglo-Saxon world, but it is still in its early stages of development in Spain. For this reason, this article aims to contribute to its consolidation and study. To do this, firstly it addresses its conceptual foundations, based on the term of strategy. Secondly, the disciplinary boundaries of Strategic Studies are presented and one of its constitutive characteristics, such as its interest in policy advice, is discussed. After that, it describes the historical development of the field up to the topics that currently cover the agenda. Finally, it sets out some conclusions in order to highlight the importance of having a field of knowledge dedicated to the study of military power.

The role of the armed forces in Latin America is characterized by their participation in multiple internal missions. These range from security functions to the provision of social, educational, and public services, among others; their role also involves providing emergency relief. However, some of the armed forces involved in this type of mission do not have specialized units or corps. This poses obvious problems not only from a technical and operational point of view, but also from the perspective of civil-military relations and the definition of the roles of armies. Some Latin American countries have looked to the Emergency Military Unit in Spain as an example to follow for the implementation of a civil defense model based on specialized military resources. The aim of this paper is therefore twofold. First, it seeks to explain that the militarization of emergencies does not involve expanding the use of force but that it can become a "wildcard" policy tool instead. Second, it intends to show how the apparent success of the Spanish Emergency Military Unit resulted from some—not always positive—lessons that can be replicated in the armed forces in Latin America.

This article responds to the analysis about the Spanish Emergency Military Unit in the research note by Pérez et al. in Armed Forces & Society, which emphasizes the efficiency of the Spanish Emergency Military Unit and how it has enhanced the image of the Spanish Armed Forces. We believe that a more critical understanding of the development of this military unit is necessary, as its deployment pitfalls and the literature on civil–military relations were neglected. Consequently, four policy traps are identified: response to civilian emergencies has become a central task of the armed forces rather than an auxiliary role; behind the pragmatism of its employment, there is potential for a worsening of civil–military relations, as highlighted by the scholarly literature; there are serious inefficiencies in its organizational design, related to human and financial resources; and image improvement is an illusion, strongly conditioned by political cleavages, with potential long-term counterproductive results.

This article explains the fundamental elements of the relationship between Spain and NATO in view of its 40th anniversary of membership of the Atlantic Alliance. This work, both in its historical reconstruction and its analysis of the challenges that characterise Spain's position in the organisation, aims to examine three key elements of this relationship: the ambiguous position of Spanish elites and society with respect to NATO membership and the relationship with the US; the legalistic and multilateral nature, with an explicit preference for the EU, of national defence policy; and the complexity of the 'Southern Flank', that is, the system of multiple and different threats to Spain's security from North Africa, where NATO struggles to provide a satisfactory response. The article concludes by underlining the unusual relevance, for a middle power like Spain, of domestic factors in determining both the country's international posture and the main aspects of its military doctrine.

The training mission deployed by the European Union in Mali (EUTM Mali) is one of the most important because of its strategic relevance and the number of actors involved. Its purpose is to advise and train the Malian army as a Security Sector Reform mission. For this reason, this article assesses the achievement of the objectives of the mission, comparing them with a reference model: the 'Handbook on Security System Reform' published by the OECD. Thus, it analyzes its context, purpose, planning, and development. In order to do that, it uses primary and secondary bibliographical sources, as well as interviews with civil and military experts. With this approach, it makes an approximate balance of this ongoing mission. It highlights the majority compliance of its objectives and points out some aspects of improvement related to the necessary link between them and the reform of other sectors. ; La misión de entrenamiento que la Unión Europea despliega en Mali (EUTM Mali) es una de las más importantes por su relevancia estratégica y por el número de actores implicados. Su finalidad es la de asesorar y adiestrar al ejército maliense como misión de Reforma del Sector de Seguridad. Por esta razón, este artículo se pregunta por el cumplimiento de los objetivos de la misión comparándolos con el Handbookon Security System Reform de la OCDE, modelo de referencia. Así, analiza su contexto, propósito, planeamiento y desarrollo. Para ello, emplea fuentes bibliográficas primarias y secundarias, así como entrevistas a expertos civiles y militares. Con este enfoque, realiza un balance aproximativo de esta misión en curso, destacando el cumplimiento mayoritario de sus objetivos y señalando aspectos de mejora referidos a la necesaria vinculación con la reforma de otros sectores.

Desde su creación en 2003, la política de cultura de inteligencia ha tenido como propósito la sensibilización social acerca de la labor y necesidad del Centro Nacional de Inteligencia (CNI). Esta política ha servido como marco de diferentes acciones dirigidas a favorecer una mayor interlocución del servicio de inteligencia español con la sociedad civil, con la política pública de fomento de la cultura de defensa como precedente más cercano e inmediato. El presente artículo traza las similitudes en el desarrollo de ambas políticas públicas, a partir de la consulta de fuentes primarias y secundarias de acceso público, y las analiza a través del concepto de isomorfismo institucional. Como conclusión principal, se señala que la política de cultura de inteligencia es producto de un proceso de emulación de las prácticas de instituciones que comparten un mismo campo organizacional, como las que entonces se desarrollaban en el ámbito de la defensa.
Abstract
Since its creation in 2003, the purpose of the intelligence culture policy has been to raise social awareness about the work and the need for the National Intelligence Centre (CNI). This policy has served as a framework for different actions aimed at promoting greater dialogue between the Spanish intelligence service and civil society, with the policy of promoting the culture of defense as the closest and immediate precedent. This article traces the similarities in the development of both public policies throughout the consultation of primary and secondary sources of public access and also analyzes them through the concept of institutional isomorphism. As the main conclusion, the political culture of intelligence is pointed out as a product of a process of emulation of the practices of institutions that share the same organizational field, as those that were already developed in the field of defense.

Security is an essential social and political institution for International Relations and the cornerstone of International Security Studies. In this sense, the role of religion is increasingly relevant, recognised as a key factor in global politics. With regard to Islam, its examination has been marked by the phenomena of terrorism or other revolutionary political processes and their direct impact on security. However, a careful observation of its fundamental sources uncovers ideas related to security and its connection with administration, military strategies, justice or ethics. This knowledge has been almost neglected by International Security Studies vis-à-vis Islamic Studies. This article researches this unexamined issue from this interdisciplinary perspective, applying a Grounded Theory analysis of Quran and Sunnah. Its main findings show how security and peace are complementary concepts, in addition to the possibility of building an Islamic approach within International Security Studies based on other essential elements in the Islamic tradition. ; La seguridad es una institución social y política esencial para las relaciones internacionales y la piedra angular de los Estudios en Seguridad Internacional. En este sentido, el papel de la religión es cada vez más relevante, reconocido como un factor clave en la política global. En lo que respecta al islam, su examen ha estado marcado por los fenómenos del terrorismo u otros procesos políticos revolucionarios y su impacto directo en la seguridad. Sin embargo, una mirada meticulosa de sus fuentes fundamentales descubre ideas relacionadas con la seguridad y su conexión con la administración, las estrategias militares, la justicia o la ética. Este aspecto ha sido ignorado por los estudios de seguridad internacional con respecto a los estudios islámicos. Este artículo investiga esta cuestión inexplorada desde esta perspectiva interdisciplinar, aplicando un análisis de Teoría Fundamentada del Corán y la Sunnah. Sus principales conclusiones muestran cómo la seguridad y la paz son conceptos complementarios, además de la posibilidad de construir un enfoque islámico dentro de los estudios de seguridad internacional basado en otros elementos esenciales de la tradición islámica.

España despliega desde hace décadas su diplomacia de defensa hacia Iberoamérica y, a pesar el interés que esta cuestión ha suscitado, persiste una manifiesta ausencia de enfoques teóricos. Sin embargo, existe una creciente literatura científica que emplea el concepto de poder blando para explicar las implicaciones estratégicas de la diplomacia de defensa. Por esta razón, esta investigación adopta este marco conceptual para examinar esta área de las relaciones político-diplomáticas entre España e Iberoamérica con dos objetivos: primero, estudiar si las iniciativas encajan, en efecto, en este concepto del poder blando; y segundo, investigar su planteamiento estratégico. Para ello, realiza un análisis de los documentos político-estratégicos españoles de primer nivel, otras fuentes documentales oficiales y de centros de análisis, así como revisión de la bibliografía especializada. Los resultados señalan la ambigüedad y limitación de los objetivos estratégicos españoles, la pérdida de protagonismo de Iberoamérica en términos de interés para la defensa nacional o de comercio de industria de defensa, así como determinadas incongruencias entre los medios y los modos, y los fines. Las conclusiones discuten la inclusión acrítica de diversas iniciativas como diplomacia de defensa y la ausencia de un planteamiento estratégico desde un enfoque del poder blando.

Purpose
Meetings, incentives, conventions/conferences and exhibitions (MICE) tourism is a segment of business travel, which is experiencing a process of disintermediation. Using the value chain concept, this study aims to analyze the role and value of intermediaries in the MICE value chain. As the interests and perceptions of stakeholders are different, the authors also study if there is consensus or dissonance in their opinion.


Design/methodology/approach
This study uses mixed methods. First, by means of interviews with MICE professionals to identify the research variables and validate the test sample and questionnaire. Then, an international survey, which uses logistic regressions to identify the variables that support value. The post-hoc ANOVA test identifies the differences of opinions and determines the existence of consensus or dissonance.


Findings
Incoming agents create value by means of convenience and good rates and outbound agents by trust. The incoming agent is more valued and enjoys a position of power and therefore has more chances of remaining active in the market. However, there is no consensus about the role of intermediaries, hotels being the most dissonant stakeholder.


Originality/value
Instead of focusing on the negative aspects of disintermediation, this study uses a multifaceted perspective to identify the reasons that lead to value creation by intermediaries. This is vital for MICE stakeholders to acknowledge disintermediation and act consequently. Conclusions can also provide valuable guidance for intermediaries in other business to business interactions to better understand their value, competitive advantages and position of power.

Ectromelia virus (ECTV), the causative agent of mousepox, has threatened laboratory mouse colonies worldwide for almost a century. Mousepox has been valuable for the understanding of poxvirus pathogenesis and immune evasion. Here, we have monitored in parallel the pathogenesis of nine ECTVs in BALB/cJ mice and report the full-length genome sequence of eight novel ECTV isolates or strains, including the first ECTV isolated from a field mouse, ECTV-MouKre. This approach allowed us to identify several genes, absent in strains attenuated through serial passages in culture, that may play a role in virulence and a set of putative genes that may be involved in enhancing viral growth in vitro. We identified a putative strong inhibitor of the host inflammatory response in ECTV-MouKre, an isolate that did not cause local foot swelling and developed a moderate virulence. Most of the ECTVs, except ECTV-Hampstead, encode a truncated version of the P4c protein that impairs the recruitment of virions into the A-type inclusion bodies, and our data suggest that P4c may play a role in viral dissemination and transmission. This is the first comprehensive report that sheds light into the phylogenetic and geographic relationship of the worldwide outbreak dynamics for the ECTV species. ; Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (grant SAF2012-38957) and Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation, and European Union (European Regional Development's Funds, FEDER) (grant RTI2018-097581-B-I00).