Suchergebnisse

Latin America experienced a process of reduction in income inequality between 2002 and 2014, a period in which most other countries experienced an increase. However, since then inequality has started to increase again. The Scandinavian countries are often regarded as models of low inequality, in spite of recent increases. If compared to Latin America, what stands out about Scandinavia is that one has managed to sustain processes of inequality reduction over several decades in spite of political shifts and changing economic conditions. This paper seeks to identify aspects of the interaction between structural factors, policy changes, and strengthening or weakening of change agents, that have led to sustained inequality reduction in the Scandinavian countries (with a particular emphasis on Norway), and discuss their relevance for Latin America.

A common conclusion of studies on Central America's democracies and political economy is that the weakness of institutions and the strength of elites are a main reason for the region's problems. Recently, a set of studies have attempted to scrutinize these elites in detail, focussing on their strategies and resources. The purpose of this article is to reflect upon what these studies can tell us about the question: what is strong when institutions are weak? I argue that in the Northern Triangle particularly the answer is elite networks and their command over and competition for the control over four sets of resources: money, means of force, information, and ideas and ideologies, including religion. A systematic study of such networks and how they interact with formal institutions may give us a more realistic view of the current state of Central American political economies. Resumen: Hacia una economía política de instituciones débiles y élites fuertes en Centroamérica Una conclusión común a la que llegan los estudios sobre la economía política y las democracias centroamericanas es que la debilidad de las instituciones y la fuerza de las élites son una razón fundamental para los problemas de la región. Últimamente, una serie de estudios han intentado estudiar a fondo dichas élites, enfocándose en sus estrategias y recursos. El objetivo del presente artículo es reflexionar sobre lo que dichos estudios pueden aportarnos a la respuesta de la pregunta: ¿qué es fuerte cuando las instituciones son débiles? Yo sostengo que en el Triángulo Norte, en particular, la respuesta son las redes de las élites y su control, así como su competencia por dicho control, de cuatro categorías de recursos: el dinero, los medios de coacción, la información y las ideas e ideologías, incluida la religión. Un estudio sistemático de dichas redes y sobre cómo interactúan con las instituciones formales podría facilitarnos una visión más realista del estado actual de las economías políticas centroamericanas.

A common conclusion of studies on Central America's democracies and political economy is that the weakness of institutions and the strength of elites are a main reason for the region's problems. Recently, a set of studies have attempted to scrutinize these elites in detail, focussing on their strategies and resources. The purpose of this article is to reflect upon what these studies can tell us about the question: what is strong when institutions are weak? I argue that in the Northern Triangle particularly the answer is elite networks and their command over and competition for the control over four sets of resources: money, means of force, information, and ideas and ideologies, including religion. A systematic study of such networks and how they interact with formal institutions may give us a more realistic view of the current state of Central American political economies.

A common conclusion of studies on Central America's democracies and political economy is that the weakness of institutions and the strength of elites are a main reason for the region's problems. Recently, a set of studies have attempted to scrutinize these elites in detail, focussing on their strategies and resources. The purpose of this article is to reflect upon what these studies can tell us about the question: what is strong when institutions are weak? I argue that in the Northern Triangle particularly the answer is elite networks and their command over and competition for the control over four sets of resources: money, means of force, information, and ideas and ideologies, including religion. A systematic study of such networks and how they interact with formal institutions may give us a more realistic view of the current state of Central American political economies. Resumen: Hacia una economía política de instituciones débiles y élites fuertes en Centroamérica Una conclusión común a la que llegan los estudios sobre la economía política y las democracias centroamericanas es que la debilidad de las instituciones y la fuerza de las élites son una razón fundamental para los problemas de la región. Últimamente, una serie de estudios han intentado estudiar a fondo dichas élites, enfocándose en sus estrategias y recursos. El objetivo del presente artículo es reflexionar sobre lo que dichos estudios pueden aportarnos a la respuesta de la pregunta: ¿qué es fuerte cuando las instituciones son débiles? Yo sostengo que en el Triángulo Norte, en particular, la respuesta son las redes de las élites y su control, así como su competencia por dicho control, de cuatro categorías de recursos: el dinero, los medios de coacción, la información y las ideas e ideologías, incluida la religión. Un estudio sistemático de dichas redes y sobre cómo interactúan con las instituciones formales podría facilitarnos una visión más realista del estado actual de las economías políticas centroamericanas.

AbstractEl Salvador has undergone a deep economic transformation over recent decades, from a model based on agro-exports to an open, transnational service-based economy. This transformation has occurred in a context dominated historically by a small group of elite families that formed family-owned diversified business groups (DBGs). This paper studies the leading groups' strategies in confronting transnationalisation. It shows that the DBGs have adapted to the new realities through a combination of sector shifts, internationalisation and the adoption of different kinds of relationships with multinationals. In spite of this, there is little evidence that the DBGs have become less important or subordinate to multinational corporations. Rather, they have, in different ways, exploited their local and regional knowledge and networks to confront competition at home and expand at the regional level.

This article analyses the formation and development of business associations in Central America from the 1960s to the present. It shows how the development of the region's economies and its formal business associations were shaped by increasing economic integration in the region and by foreign governments and institutions. The argument presented is that the role of external actors and increasing international economic and political integration renders inadequate the commonly held explanation regarding the existence and operation of business associations as interest groups in the region. The origin, cohesiveness, evolution and influence of many formal business organizations in Central America is the result not only of a self‐help function, the dynamics of business–state relations, or that of business reacting to perceived threats from labour or other organized groups, but also of various international influences. These international forces worked to both divide and unify the region's business interests but overall have increased their numbers and the technical and political capacity of both new and existing organizations. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.