Suchergebnisse

The Kurdish-led autonomous entity called Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (NES) – also known as Rojava – considers women's liberation an imperative condition for shaping a democratic society. The practice of autonomy in NES shares strong resemblances with Non Territorial Autonomy (NTA) models; however, it introduces a novelty in the role of women as active agents in building a plurinational democracy. This paper examines (1) the intellectual and political origins of the political role ascribed to women in autonomous administrations and (2) how the practice of autonomy in Rojava has advanced women's rights by shedding light on both institutional implementation of women's rights, as well as the creation of (non)-territorial spaces of women's emancipation within the autonomous model. The argument made is that the conceptual framework of the Rojava model goes beyond the Kurdish question and can be considered an attempt to resolve a democratic deficit of liberal democratic nation-states through bringing together solutions that address the intertwined subordination of minorities and women. ; Autonomna oblast pod upravom Kurda zvaničnog naziva Autonomna uprava Severne i Istoč ne Sirije (NES) – takođe poznata i kao Rožava – smatra oslobođenje žena kao imperativ za oblikovanje demokratskog društva. Autonomne prakse u NES jako podsećaju na neteritori jalne (NTA) modele, ali takođe unose i novine u vidu uloge žena kao aktivnih činilaca u iz gradnji plurinacionalne demokratije. Ovaj rad razmatra (1) intelektualno i političko poreklo političke uloge dodeljene ženama u autonomnoj upravi, i (2) način na koji su autonomne prakse u Rožavi unapredile prava žena time što su bacile svetlost kako na institucionalnu primenu ženskih prava, tako i na stvaranje (ne)teritorijalnih prostora ženske emancipacije unutar autonomnog modela. Iznosi se tvrdnja da konceptualni okvir Rožava modela preva zilazi kurdsko pitanje i može se posmatrati kao pokušaj da se reši problem demokratskog deficita liberalnih demokratskih ...

The Kurdish-led autonomous entity called Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (NES) – also known as Rojava – considers women's liberation an imperative condition for shaping a democratic society. The practice of autonomy in NES shares strong resemblances with Non Territorial Autonomy (NTA) models; however, it introduces a novelty in the role of women as active agents in building a plurinational democracy. This paper examines (1) the intellectual and political origins of the political role ascribed to women in autonomous administrations and (2) how the practice of autonomy in Rojava has advanced women's rights by shedding light on both institutional implementation of women's rights, as well as the creation of (non)-territorial spaces of women's emancipation within the autonomous model. The argument made is that the conceptual framework of the Rojava model goes beyond the Kurdish question and can be considered an attempt to resolve a democratic deficit of liberal democratic nation-states through bringing together solutions that address the intertwined subordination of minorities and women. ; Autonomna oblast pod upravom Kurda zvaničnog naziva Autonomna uprava Severne i Istoč ne Sirije (NES) – takođe poznata i kao Rožava – smatra oslobođenje žena kao imperativ za oblikovanje demokratskog društva. Autonomne prakse u NES jako podsećaju na neteritori jalne (NTA) modele, ali takođe unose i novine u vidu uloge žena kao aktivnih činilaca u iz gradnji plurinacionalne demokratije. Ovaj rad razmatra (1) intelektualno i političko poreklo političke uloge dodeljene ženama u autonomnoj upravi, i (2) način na koji su autonomne prakse u Rožavi unapredile prava žena time što su bacile svetlost kako na institucionalnu primenu ženskih prava, tako i na stvaranje (ne)teritorijalnih prostora ženske emancipacije unutar autonomnog modela. Iznosi se tvrdnja da konceptualni okvir Rožava modela preva zilazi kurdsko pitanje i može se posmatrati kao pokušaj da se reši problem demokratskog deficita liberalnih demokratskih nacija-država putem objedinjavanja rešenja koja se odnose na isprepletene oblike podređenosti manjina i žena.

The Kurdish-led autonomous entity called Autonomous Administration of North
and East Syria (NES) - also known as Rojava - considers women?s liberation
an imperative condition for shaping a democratic society. The practice of
autonomy in NES shares strong resemblances with Non- Territorial Autonomy
(NTA) models; however, it introduces a novelty in the role of women as
active agents in building a plurinational democracy. This paper examines (1)
the intellectual and political origins of the political role ascribed to
women in autonomous administrations and (2) how the practice of autonomy in
Rojava has advanced women?s rights by shedding light on both institutional
implementation of women?s rights, as well as the creation of
(non)-territorial spaces of women?s emancipation within the autonomous
model. The argument made is that the conceptual framework of the Rojava
model goes beyond the Kurdish question and can be considered an attempt to
resolve a democratic deficit of liberal democratic nation-states through
bringing together solutions that address the intertwined subordination of
minorities and women.

« Der türkische Staat negiert seit seiner Gründung 1923 die Existenz der kurdischen Bevölkerung in der Türkei und im Nahen Osten. Und selbst heute zielt die türkische Innen- und Außenpolitik darauf ab, die KurdInnen weder in der Türkei noch in der Region über politische Macht verfügen zu lassen. Der Krieg in den kurdischen Gebieten der Türkei und die Angriffe der Türkei auf die syrisch-kurdische Autonomieregion Rojava sind Facetten der türkischen Politik, die zum Ziel hat, die KurdInnen in der gesamten Region zurückzudrängen. Während wir einerseits eine große Überscheidung in der gegenwärtigen Politik der AKP-Regierung und ihren VorgängerInnen erkennen können, ist gleichzeitig in der öffentlichen Debatte der Eindruck vermittelt worden, dass die KurdInnenpolitik der Türkei in den letzten Jahren sich unvermittelt und unerklärlich mehrfach gewendet hätte. Dabei bleibt unbeachtet, dass der Friedensprozess von der AKP so geführt wurde, dass die Rückkehr des Krieges keine Überraschung ist. Ebenso wird vergessen, dass das "Zuckerbrot" Friedensprozess immer begleitet war von der "Peitsche", nämlich die massive Repression gegen die KurdInnen und die Androhung eines Krieges. Rosa Burç, Meral Çınar, Axel Gehring, Alp Kayserilioğlu, Ismail Küpeli, Kerem Schamberger und Mahir Tokatlı richten mit ihren Beiträgen den Blick auf Zusammenhänge, die in der öffentlichen Debatte unterbelichtet bleiben. So werden sowohl die politische und gesellschaftliche Entwicklungen in der Türkei analysiert, wozu selbstverständlich auch eine intensive Debatte um die Frauenbewegung in der Türkei gehört. Ausgehend von der zentralen Bedeutung der "Kurdenfrage" gerät dann die Perspektive auf die anderen Seite der nationalstaatlichen Grenzen, nach Rojava. Hier fragen wir einerseits danach, ob Rojava eine Alternative zum Nationalstaat darstellt. Und andererseits betrachten wir die Folgen des Afrin-Krieges sowohl für Rojava als auch für die Türkei selbst. « (Verlagsbeschreibung)