Suchergebnisse

One useful, but underutilized, strategy to increase quantitative literacy and promote critical sociological thinking is to have students investigate demographic trends in their local community. In this article, the authors describe a project in which students compare and contrast the demographic characteristics of two counties in their state using the 2000 Census Bureau data, formulate specific research questions using the data they have collected, and draw conclusions about the social influences on local demographic patterns using local media sources and sociological thinking. The authors present results from a quasi-experiment assessing the assignment's effectiveness in improving quantitative literacy. They also present findings from a general evaluation survey administered to students. Despite the limitations of this study, results suggest that the described assignment increased quantitative literacy as well as encouraged critical sociological thinking.

Americans can be divided into two groups: those who own guns and those who do not. Although people who own guns and people who do not own guns are often separated along social, cultural, and political lines, it is unclear whether these divisions might extend to population differences in emotional experience. In this paper, we use national cross-sectional data from the 2014 Chapman University Survey on American Fears (n = 1385) to test whether gun owners are more or less afraid than people who do not own guns. We build on previous work by testing two hypotheses with a broad range of fear-related outcomes, including specific phobias and fears associated with being victimized. The symptom perspective argues that gun ownership is a behavioral expression of fear, that gun owners need guns to protect themselves because they are irrational cowards. Although binary logistic regression models provided minimal support for this idea, there was some evidence to suggest that the odds of gun ownership are higher for people who report being afraid of being victimized by a random/mass shooting. The palliative perspective claims that gun ownership mitigates fear, that owning a powerful weapon is somehow soothing to individuals and their families. Ordinary least squares and negative binomial regression models suggest that people who own guns tend to report lower levels of phobias and victimization fears than people who do not own guns. This general pattern is observed across multiple indicators of fear (e.g., of animals, heights, zombies, and muggings), multiple outcome specifications (continuous and count), and with adjustments for age, gender, race/ethnicity, education, household income, marital status, the presence of children, religious identity, religiosity, religious attendance, political orientation, region of residence, and urban residence. Additional longitudinal research is needed to confirm our findings with a wider range of covariates and fear-related outcomes. ; Open access journal ; This item from the UA Faculty Publications collection is made available by the University of Arizona with support from the University of Arizona Libraries. If you have questions, please contact us at repository@u.library.arizona.edu.

Americans can be divided into two groups: those who own guns and those who do not. Although people who own guns and people who do not own guns are often separated along social, cultural, and political lines, it is unclear whether these divisions might extend to population differences in emotional experience. In this paper, we use national cross-sectional data from the 2014 Chapman University Survey on American Fears (n = 1385) to test whether gun owners are more or less afraid than people who do not own guns. We build on previous work by testing two hypotheses with a broad range of fear-related outcomes, including specific phobias and fears associated with being victimized. The symptom perspective argues that gun ownership is a behavioral expression of fear, that gun owners need guns to protect themselves because they are irrational cowards. Although binary logistic regression models provided minimal support for this idea, there was some evidence to suggest that the odds of gun ownership are higher for people who report being afraid of being victimized by a random/mass shooting. The palliative perspective claims that gun ownership mitigates fear, that owning a powerful weapon is somehow soothing to individuals and their families. Ordinary least squares and negative binomial regression models suggest that people who own guns tend to report lower levels of phobias and victimization fears than people who do not own guns. This general pattern is observed across multiple indicators of fear (e.g., of animals, heights, zombies, and muggings), multiple outcome specifications (continuous and count), and with adjustments for age, gender, race/ethnicity, education, household income, marital status, the presence of children, religious identity, religiosity, religious attendance, political orientation, region of residence, and urban residence. Additional longitudinal research is needed to confirm our findings with a wider range of covariates and fear-related outcomes.

ObjectiveAlthough there is little empirical evidence linking gun ownership with personal well‐being, speculation is widespread in gun culture. In this article, we test whether people who own guns are more or less satisfied with their lives than people who do not own guns.MethodsWe employ data collected from three national surveys, the Baylor Religion Survey (2014), the Chapman University Survey on American Fears (2014), and the General Social Survey (2018) to formally assess this understudied association.ResultsIn adjusted models, gun ownership was unrelated to life satisfaction. This general pattern was consistent across surveys, different measures and specifications of life satisfaction, and a wide range of subgroups.ConclusionOur analyses contribute to the growing study of gun ownership and personal well‐being and challenge theoretical perspectives and cultural narratives about how owning a gun can contribute favorably to one's quality of life.

Despite important connections between religion and military action throughout world history, scholars have seldom explored the association between religiosity and military enlistment. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), we used a person-oriented analysis to categorize young men according to patterns of adolescent religious involvement. Youth indentified as "highly religious evangelical" are more likely to enlist in the military compared to their "highly religious non-evangelical" and "non-religious" counterparts; however, these findings hold only for those young men without college experience. These findings are discussed along with study limitations and promising directions for future research.

Although several studies show that self–esteem varies according to neighborhood context, few have directly examined potential mediators of this association. In this paper, we use longitudinal survey data from the Welfare, Children, and Families project (1999, 2001) to examine the association between perceived neighborhood disorder and self–esteem among low–income urban women with children in Boston, Chicago, and San Antonio, testing for city heterogeneity. Building on social disorganization theory and previous research, we examine the mediating influence of social support. Our longitudinal models show that higher levels of disorder at baseline are associated with lower levels of social support and self–esteem. We also observe that increases in disorder over the study period are associated with concurrent losses in social support and self–esteem. Our mediation analyses suggest that perceived neighborhood disorder may undermine self–esteem by limiting opportunities for social support. Reducing signs and perceptions of disorder by improving the social and physical landscapes of neighborhoods may uniquely contribute to self–worth of low–income urban women with children.

In this paper, we use data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health and latent class analysis to assess the extent to which individuals integrate guns into broader health lifestyles. We also examine how these new health lifestyles differ for men and women. While men integrate guns with a variety of risk‐taking behaviors, including smoking, heavy drinking, risky sexual behavior, and fast‐food consumption, women do not. Our results are consistent with a gendered theory of gun ownership and health lifestyles. On the one hand, some men may use guns and other risky health behaviors to project hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, some women may avoid guns and other elements of risky lifestyles to signify normative femininity. It is important for sociologists and public health scholars to focus more on how and why men are more likely to integrate guns into generally unhealthy lifestyles.

In this article, we use data from the 2016 National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) to examine the association between religious involvement and marijuana use for medical and recreational purposes in U.S. adults ( N = 41,517). We also consider whether the association between religious involvement and marijuana use varies according to personal health status. Our results show that adults who attend religious services more frequently and hold more salient religious beliefs tend to exhibit lower rates of medical and recreational marijuana use. We also find that these "protective effects" are less pronounced for adults in poor health. Although our findings confirm previous studies of recreational marijuana use, we are the first to examine the association between religious involvement and medical marijuana use. Our moderation analyses suggest that the morality and social control functions of religious involvement may be offset under the conditions of poor health.

The nascent literature on the propensity to endorse conspiratorial views of President Barack Obama suggests that such sentiments may be grounded in racial animus or political partisanship. Yet to date, little attention has been paid to the religious elements that may underlie such claims. We extend the research in this area by using a national survey to assess the relationship between white conservative Protestant affiliation and an inclination to endorse the idea that Obama is a Muslim and/or a noncitizen. The results show that white conservative Protestant affiliation is associated with a greater tendency to support these characterizations of Obama. Importantly, this relationship is substantially mediated by racial resentment. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for the United States' increasing ethnic and religious pluralism.