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Intro -- Electoral PoliticsIs Not Enough -- Contents -- Preface -- Abbreviations -- 1. Representation of Minority Interests -- 2. Variation among the Northeastern Cities -- 3. Awareness of African American and Latino Policy Preferences -- 4. Responsiveness to African American and Latino Interests -- 5. How African Americans and Latinos Gain Policy Responsiveness -- 6. Urban Regime Theory and the Representation of Minority Interests -- Appendix A: List of Interview Questions -- Appendix B: List of Issue-Area Categories -- Appendix C: List of Interviews -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y.

This paper examines the determinants of African‐American representation on city councils in medium‐sized urban areas to provide greater insight into the strategies African‐Americans use to achieve political incorporation and the extent to which traditionally excluded groups have access to elected positions in the United States. I argue that previous studies generate varied conclusions about the determinants of African‐American representation on city councils because scholars fail to recognize that minority political strategies may vary based on the relative and absolute size of the minority population. I examine the determinants of African‐American representation in medium‐sized cities to consider whether African‐Americans employ an electoral mobilization strategy when they make up a large percentage of the electorate but lack the large absolute numbers necessary to sustain demand‐protest activities. A regression analysis indicates that the percentage of African‐Americans in the electorate is the only factor that significantly affects African‐American descriptive representation. This finding supports the hypothesis that African‐Americans use an electoral strategy when they lack large absolute numbers. This research also confirms Guinier's (1994) claims that African‐Americans fail to achieve proportional representation in the current electoral system and suggests that the plurality system comes with high start‐up costs for a traditionally excluded group.

Do gubernatorial races influence Senate outcomes when the two candidates run on the same ticket? The gubernatorial coattail hypothesis posits that gubernatorial elections have a major influence on senatorial elections because of the governor's (1) visibility, (2) accountability, and (3) role as state party leader. The hypothesis also claims that the voters use the gubernatorial race as the barometer for the rest of the ticket. Analyses of five diverse states indicate that a uniform gubernatorial coattail effect is not present. Each state varies in its electoral dynamics indicating that political orientation, party organizational and institutional differences among the states are important determinants of gubernatorial and senatorial votes.

Introduction: Rebuilding governance, politics, and policy in New Orleans -- Pre-Katrina New Orleans -- Reform and economic development -- Democracy vs. reform in pre-Katrina education -- The most reform friendly city in the country -- From neglect and mismanagement to reform and development in housing -- The most brutal police? -- Conclusion: The effects of sudden shocks on governance, politics, and policy