Suchergebnisse

Where some of the papers in this volume deal with nation building in the democratising former East European states in the wider ideological context of liberal democratic thought, this paper aims to present a view of values and democracy from an alternative, ?Asian? perspective. South East Asian nations, such as Singapore, have attempted to articulate and practise forms of ?Asian? democracy as a response to, and in rejection of, Western liberal democratic models. In these countries, there is not so much a programme of reform and liberalization, as an attempt to evolve a form of democracy suited to an Asian society. To this end, efforts have been made by political leaders to articulate what ?Asian? values are, and some countries have also promoted sets of values that are considered to be congruent with their form of ?Asian? democracy. Singapore is an example of how a government has set about developing a form of ?Asian? democracy. By examining the history texts used in Singapore schools, and comparing the different contexts in which European and ?Asian? values are embedded and used, the paper shows that there is indeed a distinctive form of values and democracy that is taught. But, while this is referred to as ?Asian?, there is in fact a lacuna in terms of the wider values framework and context, and children are in effect being socialised into accepting a rather passive conception of citizenship and a notion of democracy that are arguably distinctive to Singapore. What that Asia stands for is far too diverse, and perhaps there is also, on the part of Singapore and its political leaders, an inclination to make ?Asian? values in their own image, as it were.

Because social movements exist to challenge entrenched power structures or change prevailing social practices, they claim to represent marginalized or excluded constituencies. Yet as eloquently argued by E. E. Schattschneider, "the flaw in the pluralist heaven is that the heavenly chorus sings with a strong upper-class accent" (The Semisovereign People, 1960, 35). Lacking formal mechanisms of democratic accountability, social movements, like other organized interests, can fall prey to the trap of overrepresenting the privileged. In addition, some scholars have challenged the idea that movements have any durable influence. Even if we believe that movements represent the excluded, what value do they have if their influence is fleeting? These questions problematize the democratic value of social movements and raise questions about the value of protest in shaping policy that affects marginalized interests. Are movements effective pathways to greater democratic inclusiveness, or do they reinforce existing power structures?

Although robust citizen participation is fundamental to a healthy democracy, we still lack a clear sense of how to motivate participation. This paper presents the results of an experimental study designed to see if the content of political appeals matters in motivating participation. Previous research in this area has had mixed results. This paper finds that political appeals that include some self-disclosure about the person making the request triggers a liking heuristic that causes subjects to be more likely to comply with a request for action. Subjects receiving the treatment appeal are significantly more likely to donate money to support a political cause. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractIn this study I examine whether the Tax Reform Act of 1986 has an effect on ex‐date stock return behavior. Results indicate that the tax reform has a significant effect on ex‐date returns for NASDAQ stocks, but not for NYSE/AMEX stocks. Further analysis suggests that the ex‐date returns on NASDAQ stocks are primarily determined by the tax premium. However, the ex‐date returns on NYSE/AMEX stocks are more influenced by short‐term trading.