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Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Chapter 1: Liberty and Security in America -- Surveillance in Prerevolutionary America -- Defining Privacy in the New Nation -- Checking Federal Power -- The Right to Privacy -- Surveillance in the Civil War -- Privacy in the Modern Era: The Watergate Scandal -- Surveillance in the Twenty-First Century: The USA PATRIOT ACT -- Congress declaring War on Terror -- Chapter 2: The Pros: No Harm Done -- The New Battlefield -- A Changing Intelligence Landscape -- The Internet and the War on Terror -- Homegrown Extremism -- Catching Boston Bombers -- The Need for Mass Government Surveillance -- The Scope of Mass Government Surveillance -- Your Data and Advertisers -- Chapter 3: The Cons: Presumption of Guilt -- The Principle of Protecting Innocence -- Abuse of Power -- Unintended Consequences of Surveillance -- Chapter 4: Ever Faster Computers -- New Surveillance Technologies -- American Principles in a Changing World -- Government Surveillance Timeline -- Glossary -- Further Information -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author -- Back Cover.

Keynesian Economics provides a wide-ranging critical examination of the presuppositions and procedures of Keynesian analysis. The result is both a clear guide to modern macro-economic theory and policy and a revealing exercise in the recent history of ideas - ideas which are highly contentious and still deeply influential.""(Alan) Coddington made several substantive contributions to the understanding of Keynesian economics which established his fame not merely in the UK but in major centres of economics around the world."" The Times

The rise of game theory has made bargaining one of the core issues in economic theory. Written at a theoretical and conceptual level, the book develops a framework for the analysis of bargaining processes. The framework focuses on the dynamic of the bargaining process, which is in contrast to much previous theoretical work on the subject, and most notably to the approaches stemming from game theory.Chapters include:* Decision-Making and Expectations in Theories of Bargaining* Decision-Making and Expectations in a Game Theory Model* Limitations of the Environment Concep

Debates ranging from parental leave within universities to abortion rights, 'anchor babies,' racialized maternal mortality, and the continued disproportionate role of indigenous children within foster care systems demonstrate the wide range of politics informed by fertility. In this paper, I aim to prompt further academic research and personal reflection about the politics that underpin questions about fertility and the life course. There is an analytic potential and political urgency to understand these debates under the conceptual umbrella of 'political geographies of fertility,' as matters of fertility cross disciplinary and subdisciplinary boundaries and are – literally – matters of life and death. In this paper, I argue for framing fertility as a continued state of being, an anticipatory weight, that influences lives, behaviors, and politics at a variety of scales, from the border and the nation-state to academic workplaces and the body. By considering the range of spaces and scales where the politics of fertility take shape, I hope to encourage future researchers to devote attention to what gets made political through fertility – including but not limited to the biological events of reproduction.

In this piece, I consider the uncomfortable and intimate intersection of bodies and borders through an autoethnographic account of encountering UK migration controls while losing a pregnancy. While this encounter was not representative of the disproportionate targeting of refused asylum seeker and undocumented migrants by these policies, I argue that migrant fertility has become a key lens through which the embodiment of the border is made material, and that the post-2012 deployment of a UK-wide set of policies generating a "Hostile Environment" for migrants demonstrates how the UK is embracing discomfort as a political strategy to deter migrants. Migrant fertility becomes perceived as an anticipatory threat to the body politic that must be continually pre-empted by the state. The restrictive policies of the UK's hostile environment have exacerbated the perceived threat of fertile migrants, and that the threat posed by these migrants has become both racialized and medicalized, with multi-scalar, material consequences for migrants.

In this paper, I suggest that the category of 'ward,' a designation used for Aboriginal Australians in the 1950s and 1960s, has re-emerged in contemporary Northern Territory (NT) life. Wardship represents an in-between status, neither citizens nor non-citizens, but rather an anticipatory citizenship formation constructed by the Australian state. The ward is a not-yet citizen, and the deeds, acts, and discourses that define the ward's capacities to act as a political subject can maintain their anticipatory nature even as people 'achieve' formal citizenship. Wardship can be layered on top of citizen and non-citizen status alike. Rather than accounting for the grey areas between 'citizen' and 'non-citizen,' therefore, wards exist beyond this theoretical continuum, demanding a more nuanced accounting of political subjectivities and people's relationships to the state. I trace the emergence of the category 'ward' in the 1950s and 1960s in Australia and its re-emergence for Aboriginal Australians impacted by the 2007 Northern Territory Emergency Response legislation. The promise of citizenship offered by the status of 'ward' is built upon expectations about family life, economic activity, and appropriate behaviour. These assumptions underscore an implicit bargain between individuals and the state, that neoliberalised self-discipline will lead to both formal citizenship rights and a sense of belonging. Built-in impediments, however, ensure that this bargain is difficult, if not impossible, to fulfil.

Scholars have theorized that advocates who listen to the experiences of traumatized individuals suffer from 'vicarious trauma,' where they become affected by the process of working with trauma sufferers. Yet I argue that trauma is contagious, rather than vicarious: contagious trauma spreads, compounding and binding together sometimes unrelated life traumas. This paper focuses on the spread of contagious trauma within advocates who work together with people affected by two sets of policies that compound trauma in Australia's Northern Territory, Aboriginal Australians affected by the 2007 Northern Territory Emergency Response Legislation and asylum seekers affected by Australia's policies of mandatory detention. Using ethnographic data from participant observation and interviews with advocates as well as autoethnographic excerpts from field notes, I argue that advocates experience contagious trauma as the effects of witnessing trauma combine toxically with their own life traumas. Contagious trauma expands the destructive effects of traumatic public policy, and simultaneously shrinks the capacity of advocacy that contests these policies. Capacity shrinks as advocates construct barriers to keep trauma at bay.