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AbstractThe Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) constitute a truly transformative agenda which provides a framework to help us effectively confront the fundamental challenges of development in a way that the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) did not. This commentary briefly describes the very demanding, at times antagonistic, process that produced the SDGs, including the crucial role of the Open Working Group (OWG). It points out the strengths of the SDGs by comparison with the MDGs, with respect to both process and product. The SDGs, proposed and championed by a country from the Global South, for the first time defined development as a universal agenda, and upended the traditional division of countries into those who need to act and those called primarily to provide development assistance. Many countries across the development spectrum rejected this proposal, which was finally agreed thanks to persistence, lengthy negotiations and consensus building. In the end, the adoption of the SDGs also broke down the divide between environment and development, offering an integrated and inclusive framework for structuring solutions. Yet an agenda of such deep transformative potential faces implementation challenges, and this commentary emphasizes the need for the sort of analysis contained in the papers in this Special Issue in order to ensure that the SDGs are strengthened and continue to evolve.

This article examines the most common accounts of multicultural reform in Latin America as well as the principal analyses of the Indian movement in this same region. The positions adopted by three generations of native informants regarding official assimilation (1920-1980) and diversity (2000-2010) policies are described on the basis of an historical and ethnographic survey carried out in a rural area of Mexico, Milpa Alta, where the population has been identified as descended from pre-Columbian inhabitants. The article argues that multicultural policies, international human rights legislation and, often, native political discourse are in tension with national systems of alterity. In the case studied here, multicultural policies are grafted on to a configuration which situates native populations in an archetypal position of alterity. It is, however, an endogenous alterity since it is imagined to be a constitutive part of a larger national "us" conceived of as uniformly mestizo. Its specificity notwithstanding, the Mexican example allows us to consider the importance of the exogenous or endogenous character of alterity in discussing the consensus today enjoyed by the multicultural model. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the most common accounts of multicultural reform in Latin America as well as the principal analyses of the Indian movement in this same region. The positions adopted by three generations of native informants regarding official assimilation (1920-1980) and diversity (2000-2010) policies are described on the basis of an historical and ethnographic survey carried out in a rural area of Mexico, Milpa Alta, where the population has been identified as descended from pre-Columbian inhabitants. The article argues that multicultural policies, international human rights legislation and, often, native political discourse are in tension with national systems of alterity. In the case studied here, multicultural policies are grafted on to a configuration which situates native populations in an archetypal position of alterity. It is, however, an endogenous alterity since it is imagined to be a constitutive part of a larger national 'us' conceived of as uniformly mestizo. Its specificity notwithstanding, the Mexican example allows us to consider the importance of the exogenous or endogenous character of alterity in discussing the consensus today enjoyed by the multicultural model. ; Siège des Nations unies, New York, 13 septembre 2007. L'assemblée générale des Nations unies émet une résolution par laquelle elle adopte une Déclaration sur les droits des peuples autochtones qui, sans définir ce qu'est un peuple autochtone et sans être contraignante pour les États, établit deux principes novateurs : les différentes manifestations de la culture des peuples autochtones sont un patrimoine enrichissant pour les États et pour l'humanité entière ; une des fonctions de l'État est de garantir leur développement et leur respect. Cette résolution reconnaît aussi aux autochtones le droit à l'autodétermination et à l'autonomie territoriale, politique et administrative au sein des États-nations contemporains. Elle défend également leur « droit de ne pas subir d'assimilation forcée » (Article 8). [Premier paragraphe de l'article]

This article examines the most common accounts of multicultural reform in Latin America as well as the principal analyses of the Indian movement in this same region. The positions adopted by three generations of native informants regarding official assimilation (1920-1980) and diversity (2000-2010) policies are described on the basis of an historical and ethnographic survey carried out in a rural area of Mexico, Milpa Alta, where the population has been identified as descended from pre-Columbian inhabitants. The article argues that multicultural policies, international human rights legislation and, often, native political discourse are in tension with national systems of alterity. In the case studied here, multicultural policies are grafted on to a configuration which situates native populations in an archetypal position of alterity. It is, however, an endogenous alterity since it is imagined to be a constitutive part of a larger national 'us' conceived of as uniformly mestizo. Its specificity notwithstanding, the Mexican example allows us to consider the importance of the exogenous or endogenous character of alterity in discussing the consensus today enjoyed by the multicultural model. ; Siège des Nations unies, New York, 13 septembre 2007. L'assemblée générale des Nations unies émet une résolution par laquelle elle adopte une Déclaration sur les droits des peuples autochtones qui, sans définir ce qu'est un peuple autochtone et sans être contraignante pour les États, établit deux principes novateurs : les différentes manifestations de la culture des peuples autochtones sont un patrimoine enrichissant pour les États et pour l'humanité entière ; une des fonctions de l'État est de garantir leur développement et leur respect. Cette résolution reconnaît aussi aux autochtones le droit à l'autodétermination et à l'autonomie territoriale, politique et administrative au sein des États-nations contemporains. Elle défend également leur « droit de ne pas subir d'assimilation forcée » (Article 8). [Premier paragraphe de ...

Résumé Cet article propose d'appréhender le nationalisme ordinaire en adoptant une perspective anthropologique qui décentre l'Etat de son propre discours. Une telle approche permet de comprendre le phénomène national dans sa résonance sociale, en mettant au premier plan la participation active des individus dans le façonnement et la reproduction du corpus de valeurs nationales. A partir de l'exemple de Milpa Alta, un arrondissement de Mexico, on constate que, plus qu'un ensemble consolidé et rigide qui s'impose « par le haut », le nationalisme peut être compris comme une orthodoxie pragmatique qui ne prend du sens que dans l'usage quotidien que les acteurs en font.

This article examines the impact of international languages of diversity on Mexican official texts that advocate the adoption of a utopia of cultural diversity as a new way of imagining the national community. The analysis is supplemented by an ethnographic example which illustrates the utilisation of such language by indigenous peoples in order to negotiate a better position in this new configuration. Against the "post-national" perspective dominant in globalisation literature, the official and popular discourses described in the case study show that although nation states are obliged to compromise with supranational forces and institutions, the principal site of struggles to define collective subjectivities and positions is still located at national level. These struggles reflect the clash between the utopia of a homogeneous nation and that of a multicultural nation. This clash is the site of tensions and negotiations between three types of actor: international agencies, governing elites, and indigenous groups. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this article is to explore "banal nationalism" from an anthropological perspective which de-centers the State from its own prose. This perspective enables to grasp the nation in its social dimension by putting at the forefront of the analysis the active participation of individuals in the shaping & reproduction of national values. Our case study, an Indian community in Milpa Alta, a Mexico City district, shows that more than a consolidated & rigid whole imposed through a "top down" phenomenon, nationalism can be understood as a pragmatic orthodoxy which meaning is produced throughout the everyday accomplishments of social actors. Adapted from the source document.

En este artículo proponemos revisar la noción de tradición a partir de la comparación de dos conjuntos de textos aparentemente distintos: 1) un problema antropológico: la aparición de las tradiciones llamadas "inventadas" en las islas del Pacífico sur (kastom); y 2) los discursos de los Títulos Primordiales escritos por los nahuas de México en los siglos XVII y XVIII. El punto en común entre estas realidades tan diferentes es la sospecha que pesa sobre ambos discursos nativos: ¿pueden considerarse auténticos a pesar de que están vinculados a procesos políticos? La tesis que se busca demostrar aquí es que separar autenticidad y compromisos políticos responde más a una perspectiva de los especialistas de cada región que a hechos percibidos en el trabajo de campo o en el de archivo. Este texto insiste también en la importancia de ofrecer análisis interdisciplinarios –antropología e historia, en este caso–, así como interregionales –México y las islas de Oceanía.