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The threats the world currently faces extend beyond traditional problems such as major power competition, interstate conflict, and nuclear proliferation. Non-traditional security challenges such as climate change, migration, and natural disasters surpass states' capacity to address them. These limitations have led to the proliferation of other actors-regional and international organizations, transnational networks, local and international nongovernmental organizations-that fill the gaps when states' responses are lacking and provide security in places where there is none.In this book, Mely Caballero-Anthony examines how non-traditional security challenges have changed state behavior and security practices in Southeast Asia and the wider East Asia region. Referencing the wide range of transborder security threats confronting Asia today, she analyzes how non-state actors are taking on the roles of "security governors," engaging with states, regional organizations, and institutional frameworks to address multifaceted problems. From controlling the spread of pandemics and transboundary pollution, to managing irregular migration and providing relief and assistance during humanitarian crises, Caballero-Anthony explains how and why non-state actors have become crucial across multiple levels-local, national, and regional-and how they are challenging regional norms and reshaping security governance. Combining theoretical discussions on securitization and governance with a detailed and policy-oriented analysis of important recent developments, Negotiating Governance on Non-Traditional Security in Southeast Asia and Beyond points us toward "state-plus" governance, where a multiplicity of actors form the building blocks for multilateral cooperative security processes to meet future global challenges

Understanding non-traditional security / Mely Caballero-Anthony -- On security / Mely Caballero-Anthony -- Actors and stakeholders / Alistair D.B. -- Conflict and community security / Mely Caballero-Anthony -- Poverty and economic security / Bob S. Hadiwinata -- Environmental security / J. Jackson Ewing -- Food security / Paul Teng and Jonatan Lassa -- Energy security / Daojiong Zha -- Water security / Marcus DuBois King -- Health security / Simon Rushton -- Migration and movements of people / Melissa Curley -- Transnational crime / David Capie

Abstract
Described as a force for peace since its establishment in 1967, asean is now confronted with a slew of political and security issues that has severely challenged its modalities of addressing regional problems, including the internal conflicts of its member states. The continuing political crisis in Myanmar reflects the kinds of dilemmas faced by asean in keeping to its sticky regional norms and practices while being a responsive and effective regional organisation. As asean struggles to become "fit for purpose", the paper argues that a negotiated "asean Way", founded on ideas of positive peace and human security, allows asean to chart a renewed regional agenda for maintaining peace and security in Southeast Asia, while at the same time contributing to comprehensive efforts on managing regional conflicts and preventing atrocities.

A tradition of multilateral cooperation among the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has helped the region effectively respond to the coronavirus pandemic and curtail its spread, after early missteps by some governments. While some nations elsewhere have turned inward and have struggled to cope, ASEAN members were able to mobilize regional mechanisms to coordinate a response. ASEAN has demonstrated the advantages of a rules-based regional order capable of addressing a nontraditional threat to security.

While nations elsewhere turned inward and have struggled to cope with the pandemic, Southeast Asia has done better with regional mechanisms and a spirit of cooperation.

There have been a number of articles about ASEAN's centrality in the regional security architecture of Asia. Yet, the notion of centrality remains undefined and under-operationalised. Implicit in the discourses of centrality is the idea of ASEAN's leadership, which in turn raises questions about ASEAN's ability to do so, given its limited capacity. This article defines ASEAN's centrality from the perspective of social network approach and argues that ASEAN's structural position in the density of networks that it has established and those that it has linkages with explains ASEAN's centrality. Despite its lack of material power, ASEAN has been able to claim centrality because of its position as a node in a cluster of networks, and this condition of 'high betweenness' allows ASEAN to exercise influence in regional processes with the tacit acceptance of major powers. However, while centrality may have been achieved, maintaining centrality in a rapidly changing regional environment compels ASEAN to address challenges to its centrality. This would necessarily include its ability to maintain consensus, carry out collective action and achieve its stated goals. (Pac Rev/GIGA)