Suchergebnisse

This paper overviews the early history of the euro and argues that the euro was suboptimally designed, without monetary sovereignty of Eurozone (EZ) Member States, in order to comply with political goals set by wealthier Member States. Given this constraint, the euro architects designed a single currency in which its irreversibility is achieved through the EZ banking system, with recourse to the TARGET2 payment system. This allowed the banking systems of deficit Member States to fund large cumulative current account deficits in the first decade of the euro. The euro crisis led EZ policy makers to define new far more demanding fiscal rules and a new Banking Union to constrain the ability of EZ banking systems to fund sovereigns and current account deficits. Thus, the euro at twenty has become more fragile. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This note argues that the solutions to the euro-area crisis proposed by the EU governing institutions in cooperation with the IMF, based on further austerity and wage cuts, will worsen the crisis. They are unlikely to reduce both sovereign and external debt ratios of countries experiencing these problems. Quite in contrary, they are likely to further reduce the real GDP growth of these countries.

A cooperação para o combate ao terrorismo, ao separatismo e ao extremismotem sido a preocupação central da Organização para Cooperação de Xangai (OCX),fundada em 2001. No ano de 2017, a Índia e o Paquistão passaram a integrara organização de modo permanente. Entretanto, os dois países apresentamrivalidades históricas desde suas formações como Estados Modernos, em 1947,devido à disputa do território fronteiriço da região de Jammu e Caxemira. Alémdisso, apresentam divergências em temas relacionados à agenda de segurança daOCX, mais especificamente, ao combate de grupos terroristas que atuam no Vale daCaxemira. A datar desse contexto, este artigo busca investigar a Organização paraCooperação de Xangai e sua Estrutura Regional Antiterrorista desde o neoliberalismoinstitucionalista de Robert Keohane, buscando identificar os desafios e possíveiscontribuições para a construção da cooperação visando ao combate do terrorismoentre Índia e Paquistão.

Classification of navies according to their relative power has been a challenge for the academic area that works with issues in the field of Security and Defense. Qualitative ratings have been presented by renowned researchers such as Colin Gray, Hervé Coutau-Begarie and Michael Morris, however these attempts have stumbled in its simplicity and little scope. From studies based on open access sources, this paper tries to develop a comparative methodology that would not only take into account qualitative but also quantitative factors. This innovative method was used to classify the navy of the different states in a ranking of power taking into account parameters such as the number of means, shipbuilding capacity, number of bases and arsenals, naval assets and availability of resources, among others, in order to rank naval powers. This methodology aims to reduce uncertainties in the classification of navies and serve as a reference for future works in the academic area that are dedicated to the fields of Security and Defense.

This book studies relations between Brazil and the USA during the 20th century and outlines some perspectives for the start of the 21st century. Issues related to a wide variety of aspects of the relationship are addressed by bringing together a number of texts by Brazilian and American historians and political scientists. The reader will find studies relating to different historical periods on the economic, political, military, social and cultural relations of these two countries