Interests or ideas? Explaining Brazil's surge in peacekeeping and peacebuilding
In: Third world quarterly, Band 39, Heft 12, S. 2272-2290
ISSN: 1360-2241
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In: Third world quarterly, Band 39, Heft 12, S. 2272-2290
ISSN: 1360-2241
In: The Washington quarterly, Band 39, Heft 4, S. 193-209
ISSN: 0163-660X, 0147-1465
World Affairs Online
In: The Washington quarterly, Band 39, Heft 4, S. 193-209
ISSN: 1530-9177
In: The Washington quarterly, Band 39, Heft 4, S. 193-209
ISSN: 0163-660X, 0147-1465
In: European journal of international relations, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 303-326
ISSN: 1354-0661
World Affairs Online
In: European journal of international relations, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 303-326
ISSN: 1460-3713
The article advances conceptual alternatives to the "failed state." It provides reasons why the concept is deficient, showing especially how counterproductive it is to aggregate states as diverse as Colombia, Malawi, Somalia, Iraq, Haiti, and Tajikistan. I argue for distinguishing among capacity gaps, security gaps, and legitimacy gaps that states experience. Importantly, I show that these gaps often do not coincide in a given country, and that the logical responses to each of the three gaps diverge in significant ways. I offer brief case examples of the logic of response to the gaps and of the tensions that must be managed among them. The article advances the debate over an important and under-theorized emergent concept in global politics. [Reprinted by permission; copyright Sage Publications Ltd. & ECPR-European Consortium for Political Research.]
In: Civil wars, Band 12, Heft 4, S. 347-369
ISSN: 1743-968X
In: European journal of international relations, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 303-326
ISSN: 1460-3713
The article advances conceptual alternatives to the 'failed state.' It provides reasons why the concept is deficient, showing especially how counterproductive it is to aggregate states as diverse as Colombia, Malawi, Somalia, Iraq, Haiti, and Tajikistan. I argue for distinguishing among capacity gaps, security gaps, and legitimacy gaps that states experience. Importantly, I show that these gaps often do not coincide in a given country, and that the logical responses to each of the three gaps diverge in significant ways. I offer brief case examples of the logic of response to the gaps and of the tensions that must be managed among them. The article advances the debate over an important and under-theorized emergent concept in global politics.
In: Third world quarterly, Band 29, Heft 8, S. 1491-1507
ISSN: 1360-2241
In: Journal of peacebuilding & development, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 60-74
ISSN: 2165-7440
Agencies throughout the development, humanitarian, political and defence fields have recently endorsed the centrality of state institutions in post-war peacebuilding. But how can external actors go about peacebuilding in a way that reinforces effective and legitimate states without doing harm? Drawing on an International Peace Institute project, this article calls into question the assumption that peacebuilding can be boiled down to building state institutions. The article argues that the process of building states can actually undermine peace, postulating five tensions between peacebuilding and statebuilding even as it asserts that strong state institutions remain crucial for consolidating peace. Identifying three crucial state functions for peacebuilding, the article emphasises the complex interrelationships among legitimacy, state capacity and security in post-conflict societies.
In: Civil wars, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 173-194
ISSN: 1369-8249
World Affairs Online
In: Third world quarterly, Band 29, Heft 8, S. 1491-1507
ISSN: 0143-6597
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of peacebuilding & development: critical thinking and constructive action at the intersections of conflict, development and peace, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 60-74
ISSN: 1542-3166
Agencies throughout the development, humanitarian, political and defence fields have recently endorsed the centrality of state institutions in post-war peacebuilding. But how can external actors go about peacebuilding in a way that reinforces effective and legitimate states without doing harm? Drawing on an International Peace Institute project, this article calls into question the assumption that peacebuilding can be boiled down to building state institutions. The article argues that the process of building states can actually undermine peace, postulating five tensions between peacebuilding and statebuilding even as it asserts that strong state institutions remain crucial for consolidating peace. Identifying three crucial state functions for peacebuilding, the article emphasises the complex interrelationships among legitimacy, state capacity and security in post-conflict societies. Adapted from the source document.
In: Civil wars, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 173-194
ISSN: 1743-968X
What constitutes a successful peacebuilding outcome? This paper identifies four common standards for peacebuilding success and explores them conceptually and operationally. War recurrence, the most salient marker of peacebuilding failure, is a necessary but insufficient indicator. Yet other standards are also problematic. This paper argues for a standard that includes (a) the recurrence of large-scale organised violence, plus (b) political and institutional elements that minimally indicate a state capacity for resolving social conflicts peaceably. Even as better cross-national indicators of institutionalising peace are needed, national and international decision makers should interpret any such standards with caution and in ways that are highly context-specific in developing policies. Adapted from the source document.
In: Journal of Latin American studies, Band 35, Heft 4, S. 827-862
ISSN: 1469-767X
After long neglecting issues of citizen security and justice, democratisation theorists have recently begun to recognise the importance of the rule of law. Yet theorising the construction of state institutions of security and justice has tended to be piecemeal and divorced from broader theoretical debates. Using the case of post-war El Salvador, this article first argues that justice and security are tremendously important for the survivability and everyday relevance of democracy, given that crime is the chief threat to support for democracy.Second, the article explores competing views of institutional reform. It finds support for path-dependent 'mode-of-transition' approaches that postulate heightened agency to adopt new rules and reform institutions during uncertain transition periods. However, more sceptical cultural and institutional theorists are right insofar as the formal removal of authoritarian structures and personnel is easier than the informal transformation of state practices and of society's attitudes about state services. The article also finds that security (i.e., military, intelligence and police) reforms operate differently to judicial reforms, which were more difficult and were less tied to the country's peace process. The interaction of these reform processes with a post-war crime wave helps explain why international observers consider El Salvador's reforms a success story, but many Salvadoreans do not.