Suchergebnisse

This dissertation in applied development microeconomics centres on Sustainable Development Goal 16 which "promote[s] just, peaceful and inclusive societies". This work aims at studying the interactions and effects of Governance, Peace and Security through the analysis of first-hand and high-quality household survey data in SubSaharan Africa. It is built around two lines of research. The first line of research is cross-cutting and methodological: it questions the reliability of the data used. Indeed, public organisations, namely National Statistics Offices, administer the surveys and collect information of sensitive nature (dealing with respect of fundamental rights, democracy, corruption among other things). Results show no systematic self-censorship or attenuation bias from adults surveyed by NSOs compared with adults surveyed by independent organisations. We provide evidence of the capacity and legitimacy of government-related organisations to collect data on governance, at much higher levels of precision than other existing data sources. The second line of research focuses on the impacts of violence in two African countries. On the one hand, we study the impacts of political violence on social capital since 2012 in the case of the Malian conflict. The increased association participation in areas exposed to violent events cannot be considered as positive. Indeed, it is observed solely for family and political associations, which are comparatively inward-looking and act as interest groups. We interpret this finding as a form of withdrawal behind group or community boundaries which may exacerbate ethnic divisions and deepen the conflict. On the other hand, I study how workers of the informal labour market cope with criminal violence in Madagascar. Although victims of criminality seem not to adopt different behaviours on the labour market, the fear of crime impact productivity negatively, particularly in the agricultural sector. Fearful workers become more vulnerable to shock occurrence. Adults' fear of criminal ...

This dissertation in applied development microeconomics centres on Sustainable Development Goal 16 which "promote[s] just, peaceful and inclusive societies". This work aims at studying the interactions and effects of Governance, Peace and Security through the analysis of first-hand and high-quality household survey data in SubSaharan Africa. It is built around two lines of research. The first line of research is cross-cutting and methodological: it questions the reliability of the data used. Indeed, public organisations, namely National Statistics Offices, administer the surveys and collect information of sensitive nature (dealing with respect of fundamental rights, democracy, corruption among other things). Results show no systematic self-censorship or attenuation bias from adults surveyed by NSOs compared with adults surveyed by independent organisations. We provide evidence of the capacity and legitimacy of government-related organisations to collect data on governance, at much higher levels of precision than other existing data sources. The second line of research focuses on the impacts of violence in two African countries. On the one hand, we study the impacts of political violence on social capital since 2012 in the case of the Malian conflict. The increased association participation in areas exposed to violent events cannot be considered as positive. Indeed, it is observed solely for family and political associations, which are comparatively inward-looking and act as interest groups. We interpret this finding as a form of withdrawal behind group or community boundaries which may exacerbate ethnic divisions and deepen the conflict. On the other hand, I study how workers of the informal labour market cope with criminal violence in Madagascar. Although victims of criminality seem not to adopt different behaviours on the labour market, the fear of crime impact productivity negatively, particularly in the agricultural sector. Fearful workers become more vulnerable to shock occurrence. Adults' fear of criminal ...

Not available ; Las honras fúnebres y las juras han sido uno de los ritos de paso por los cuales la Monarquía se ha manifestado, desde Carlos V, en sus reinos, de forma casi física.Esto se acompaña de una evolución a través de los tres siglos: en particular el carácter más abierto, más seglar de la jura hace que en tiempos de las Luces tome más relieve. Desde fines del reinado de Carlos II hay una apertura a favor de la nobleza india. Con una nueva dinastía, este grupo ve en la jura real la posibilidad de abrirse un espacio de visibilidad, donde ya no será simple comparsa. Esto se dará de forma progresiva, distinta: controlada en las capitales, sorpresiva en Patzcuaro en 1701, más reflexiva en las viejas ciudades indígenas con privilegios (Tlaxcala). En la frontera la sombra del indio de guerra es un elemento clave. El caso de Lima, en 1761, es emblemático. En cierta forma el mensaje real participa del fracaso que se pone de manifiesto en 1808. Por tanto las juras de 1809 toman otro cariz —más religioso, más individualizado. [fr] Les honneurs funèbres et les proclamations des souverains ont été un des rites de passage par lesquels la Monarchie hispanique, depuis Charles Quint, s'est manifestée, parfois de forme presque physique. Au long des trois siècles ceci s'est accompagné d'une évolution: en particulier le caractère plus ouvert et plus laïque de la jura fait qu'au temps des Lumières celle-ci prenne plus de relief. Depuis la fin du règne de Charles II s'est opérée une ouverture en faveur de la noblesse indienne. Avec une nouvelle dynastie, ce groupe voit dans la proclamation une possibilité de s'ouvrir un espace de visibilité, où il ne sera plus seulement un comparse. Ceci se fera de manière progressive, distincte: contrôlée dans les capitales, ex-abrupto a Patzcuaro en 1701, réflexive dans les vieilles villes indigènes privilégiées (Tlaxcala). Sur la frontière l'ombre de l'Indien de guerre plane. Le cas de Lima, en 1761, es emblématique. La fête royale participe de l'échec qui devient manifeste en 1808. ...

This investigation is based on the judicial archives from the rich Alcaldía Mayor of Villa Alta, where almost a hundred towns used to manufacture blankets and grana. Among these comunities, the one called Yasona —known as Yatzona nowadays— is practically unknown in the documentation before 1674 and after 1707. In this short period of time a number of tensions and crisis emerged, both internally and regionally. The main nobles (caciques) from Yasona led two bands, manipulating rudimentary forms of democracy, angainst and pro traditions, the Church and the authority of the Mayor. From Yasona they tried to confederate the politic oposition and embroiled the Royal Court of Justice (Audiencia) of Mexico in their play with the mechanism of the real provisions. The tragic uprising of Cajonos in 1700 and the actions of the state authorities thereafter put an end to this situation, and Yasona was reincorporated to the pax hispanica. ; La investigación se apoya en el archivo judicial de la rica alcaldia mayor de Villa Alta, donde cerca de un centenar de pueblos producían mantas y grana. Entre estas comunidades, la de Yasona —hoy Yatzona— resulta casi totalmente desconocida en la documentación antes de 1674 y después de 1707. Pero en ese corto periodo se pone de manifiesto toda una serie de tensiones y crisis, tanto a nivel interno como regional. Los principales nobles (caciques) de Yasona toman la cabeza de dos bandos, manipulando formas rudimentarias de democracia, en pro y en contra de las tradiciones, de la Iglesia y de la autoridad del alcalde mayor. Desde Yasona tratan de confederar la oposición politicae involucran a la audiencia de México en su juego con el mecanismo de las reales provisiones. Con la trágica revuelta de Cajonos en 1700 y la posterior actuación de las autoridades estatales, todo queda sesgado, y Yasona se reincorpora a la pax hispanica…

ABSTRACT- This contribution reproduces the archaeological representation of popular urban milieus in the social elite of Hispano-American's colonial world. It rests upon a source whose main interest is that it deals, throughout three centuries, with all the territories belonging to the American Vice-Royalties. From the reports that every Viceroy had to write for his successor when he left his charge, it is possible to recreate the main features of this social representation resting upon a few mayor ideas: the existence of a world composed of a very mixed population, with couloured skin and immoral behaviour, which was very different from the world of the elites, provoking contempt as well as fear among the powerful and justifying, in their opinion, a necessary politics of social control.