Suchergebnisse

The security of property rights is fragile under dictatorships. This is particularly so if economic agents are uncertain as to whether the regime will last. As a result, private investment is withheld and economic performance is poor. Spain was in such a situation after World War II. However, as the Cold War intensified the United States became interested in Spain as a military ally, thereby helping to consolidate Franco's regime. This led to an increase in economic confidence and helps to explain why economic growth resumed in Spain ahead of significant changes in its autarkic economic policies.

Since the end of the Civil War in 1992, El Salvador has advanced on both the social and political fronts. Despite this progress and the recent reductions in income inequality, poverty remains high, largely as a result of low economic growth. This Systematic Country Diagnostic argues that the challenge in El Salvador is not to identify the proximate constraints to growth, but how those constraints are inter-connected and what entry points may help break what can be characterized as "vicious circles." The Systematic Country Diagnostic identifies three inter- connected vicious circles that hamper growth and shared prosperity: (1) a cycle of low growth and violence; (2) a cycle of low growth and migration; and (3) a cycle of low growth, savings and investment. Moreover, it also notes action on the identified entry points will require a "big push" (rather than marginal interventions) that help break the existing development dynamics. But this Systematic Country Diagnostic also identifies some strengths that El Salvador could build on to propel growth. Areas of opportunity include migration with the positive impact of diaspora on development, geographic and cultural proximity to large export markets, particularly the U.S., and an industrial base that can support an expansion of the tradable sector. At 20 percent of GDP the manufacturing sector is large by Latina American and by middle-income country standards.

This study uses text mining techniques on almost 900 presidential "state-of-the-union"--type speeches from 10 Latin American countries from 1819 to 2016. The paper documents a sharp increase in recent decades in references to poverty and inequality. The study's long-term view shows that the way in which poverty and inequality are discussed has been changing. Using a Latent Dirichlet Allocation algorithm, the paper shows that in recent years poverty has been increasingly discussed as a broader multidimensional challenge that requires a variety of social programs. Inequality has been increasingly framed as an issue of equal opportunities, whereas previously there was a greater focus on social justice. The paper assesses whether the prevalence of poverty and inequality in presidential speeches correlates with measures such as social public spending, as well as the poverty and inequality levels of the country. It finds that during the 2000s, the countries that discussed poverty and inequality at greater length were also the ones that increased social spending and reduced poverty and inequality the most.

Although there is wide recognition of the negative consequences of policy volatility for countries' long-term economic growth, there is limited empirical work on this subject. One of the reasons is the difficulty of measuring policy volatility over long periods of time, especially in developing countries. This paper contributes to this literature by constructing a proxy for policy volatility that exploits the information content of the priorities conveyed in presidential speeches. The study creates a policy volatility measure using a Latent Dirichlet Allocation algorithm on a novel data set of 953 presidential speeches in 10 Latin American countries and Spain. The paper shows that the proxy for policy volatility is negatively correlated with long-term growth over 1940-2010. The results are robust to a large set of changes in the construction of the proxy for policy volatility.

In 2011 the Government of El Salvador implemented a reform to the liquefied gas (LPG) subsidy that increased the welfare of households in all but the top two deciles of the income distribution. However, the reform turned out to be rather unpopular, including among winners. This paper relies on ad hoc household surveys conducted before the implementation and in the following two-and-a-half years to test which factors help explain the puzzle. The analysis uses probit regressions to show that misinformation (a negativity bias by which people with limited information inferred negative consequences), mistrust of the government's ability to implement the policy, and political priors explain most of the (un)satisfaction before implementation. Perceptions improved gradually—and significantly so—over time when the subsidy reception induced households to update their initial priors, although political biases remained significant throughout the entire period. The results suggest several implications with respect to policy reforms in cases where agents have limited information.

In 2011 the Government of El Salvador implemented a reform to the gas subsidy that increased the welfare of households in all but the top two deciles of the income distribution. However, the reform turned out to be rather unpopular, especially among winners. This paper relies on ad hoc household surveys conducted before the implementation and in the following two and a half years to test which factors help explain the puzzle. The analysis uses probit and logit models to show that misinformation (a negativity bias by which people with limited information inferred negative consequences), mistrust of the government's ability to implement the policy, and political priors explain most of the (un)satisfaction before implementation. Perceptions improved gradually—and significantly so—over time when the subsidy reception induced households to update their initial priors, although political biases remained significant throughout the entire period. The results suggest several implications with respect to policy reforms in cases where agents have limited information.

The government of Bolivia seeks to reinvigorate the nontraditional export sector as part of its national development strategy. This Country Study investigates the role that trade should play in Bolivia's development strategy, given the country's rich resource endowment, and examines the lessons of Bolivia's integration into the global economy. Considering the past links between trade and Bolivia's economy, the study analyzes the impact of different scenarios on growth, employment, trade flows, and poverty; it also evaluates barriers to higher export competitiveness and constraints on exporting firms. The study concludes that preferential access to world markets is necessary but not sufficient for success in nontraditional exports. Efficient services are necessary to reduce exporters' costs, and the government should be more proactive in laying the foundation for export diversification, increasing the effectiveness of institutions, and addressing impediments to crossborder trade.

This article builds on a comprehensive dataset for Peru that merges municipal fiscal accounts with information about municipalities' characteristics such as population, poverty, education, and local politics to analyze the leading factors affecting the ability of municipalities to execute the allocated budget. According to the existing literature and the Peruvian context, we divide these factors into four categories: the budget size and allocation process; local capacity; local needs; and political economy constraints. While we do find that all four factors affect decentralization, the largest determinant of spending ability is the adequacy of the budget with respect to local capacity. The results confirm the need for decentralization to be implemented gradually over time in parallel with strong capacity building efforts. Adapted from the source document.

This paper reviews current discussions on reforming the European Union (EU) budgetary procedure and assesses the main reform proposals that have been suggested thus far. It argues that prospects for reforms are presently hampered by the complex interplay between supranational and intergovernmental decision modes and the requirement of any budgetary procedure to strike a balance between efficiency and legitimacy. The paper reviews the main criticisms of the present budgetary procedure and the related reform proposals, which are assessed on the basis of relevant theoretical literature as well as brief comparisons with the federal budget of the United States. The paper argues that the current EU budgetary procedure maximises efficiency and legitimacy, given the present state of political integration in the EU. Significant modifications to the budgetary procedure would depart from that equilibrium.