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Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. 'Giving All the Good in Me to Save My Children': Domestic Labour, Motherhood, and 'Making Do' in Ontario Families -- 2. 'If He Is a Man He Becomes Desperate': Unemployed Husbands, Fathers, and Workers -- 3. The Obligations of Family: Parents, Children's Labour, and Youth Culture -- 4. 'A Family's Self-Respect and Morale': Negotiating Respectability and Conflict in Home and Family -- 5. Militant Mothers and Loving Fathers: Gender, Family, and Ethnicity in Protest -- Conclusion: Survival, Citizenship and State -- Notes -- References -- Index

The first book on the woman's suffrage movement in British Columbia, A Great Revolutionary Wave traces the history of the fight for the vote from the 1870s to the 1940s against a backdrop of social reform, international social movements, labour politics, and settler colonialism.

Canadian historians have underplayed the extent to which theproject of suffrage and first wave feminism was transnational in scope. The suffrage movement in British Columbia provides a good example of the global interconnections of the movement. While BC suffragists were relatively uninterested in pan-Canadian campaigns they explicitly situated provincial suffrage within three transnational relationships: the 'frontier' myth of the Western United States, radical direct action by suffragettes in the United Kingdom, and the rise of modern China. By the second decade of the 20thcentury, increasingly confident women's suffrage societies hosted international visits and contributed to global print culture, both of which consolidated a sense of being part of a modern, international and unstoppable movement. BC suffragists were attuned to American suffrage campaigns in California, Oregon and Washington, which granted female suffrage after referenda and situated political rights for settler women in the context of Western progress narratives. The emphasis on progress and modernity intersected with growing connections to non-Western countries, complicating racialized arguments for settler women's rights to vote. BC suffragists were particularly impressed by the role of feminism in Chinese political reform and came to understand Chinese women as symbolizing modernity, progress, and equality. Finally, the militant direct action in the British suffrage movement played a critical role in how BC suffragists imagined the role of tactical political violence. They were in close contact with the militant WSPU, hosted debates on the meaning of direct action, and argued that suffragettes were heroes fighting for a just cause. They pragmatically used media fascination with suffragette violence for political purposes by reserving the possibility that unmet demands for political equality might lead to Canadian conflict in the future. ; Les historiens canadiens ont minimisé la portée transnationale du projet suffragiste et du féminisme de la première vague. Le mouvement des suffragettes en Colombie-Britannique fournit un bon exemple des liens mondiaux de ce mouvement. Bien que les suffragettes de Colombie-Britannique aient été relativement peu intéressées par les campagnes pancanadiennes, elles ont explicitement positionné le droit de vote provincial des femmes au sein de trois relations transnationales: le mythe de la «frontière» de l'Ouest des États-Unis, l'action directe radicale des suffragettes au Royaume-Uni et la montée en puissance de la Chine moderne. Au cours de la deuxième décennie du 20esiècle, des sociétés suffragistes de plus en plus sûres d'elles ont organisé des rencontres internationales et contribué à la culture mondiale de l'imprimé, deux facteurs qui ont renforcé le sentiment d'appartenir à un mouvement moderne, international et que rien ne pouvait arrêter. Les suffragettes de la Colombie-Britannique étaient au courant des campagnes des suffragettes américaines en Californie, en Oregon et à Washington, états qui avaient accordé le droit de vote aux femmes par référendum et situaient les droits politiques des femmes colons dans le contexte des récits progressistes de l'Ouest. L'accent mis sur le progrès et la modernité s'entrecroisait avec les relations croissantes avec des pays non occidentaux, ce qui a compliqué les arguments racialisés en faveur du droit de vote des femmes colons. Les suffragettes de Colombie-Britannique étaient particulièrement impressionnées par le rôle du féminisme dans la réforme politique chinoise et en sont venues à considérer les femmes chinoises comme un symbole de la modernité, du progrès et de l'égalité. Enfin, l'action militante directe dans le mouvement des suffragettes britanniques a joué un rôle essentiel dans la façon dont les suffragettes de Colombie-Britannique ont imaginé le rôle de la violence politique tactique. Elles étaient en contact étroit avec l'organisation militante Women's Social and Political Union(union sociale et politique des femmes), elles ont organisé des débats sur la signification de l'action directe et ont affirmé que les suffragettes étaient des héroïnes luttant pour une cause juste. Elles ont utilisé avec pragmatisme la fascination des médias à l'égard de la violence perpétrée par les suffragettes à des fins politiques en réservant la possibilité que les exigences d'égalité politique non satisfaites pourraient mener à un conflit au Canada à l'avenir.

"Although the 1960s are overwhelmingly associated with student radicalism and the New Left, most Canadians witnessed the decade's political, economic, and cultural turmoil from a different perspective. Debating Dissent dispels the myths and stereotypes associated with the 1960s by examining what this era's transformations meant to diverse groups of Canadians - and not only protestors, youth, or the white middle-class

Beginning in the late 19th century, competing ideas about motherhood had a profound impact on the development and implementation of social welfare policies. Calls for programmes aimed at assisting and directing mothers emanated from all quarters of the globe, advanced by states and voluntary organizations, liberals and conservatives, feminists and anti-feminists – a phenomenon that scholars have since termed 'maternalism'. This volume reassesses maternalism by providing critical reflections on prior usages of the concept, and by expanding its meaning to encompass geographical areas, political regimes and cultural concerns that scholars have rarely addressed. From Argentina, Brazil and Mexico City to France, Italy, the Netherlands, the Soviet Ukraine, the United States and Canada, these case studies offer fresh theoretical and historical perspectives within a transnational and comparative framework. As a whole, the volume demonstrates how maternalist ideologies have been employed by state actors, reformers and poor clients, with myriad political and social ramifications