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This article examines narratives about nature conservation in Costa Rica, specifically those related to wildlife and biodiversity, and their evolution with the growth of tourism and bioprospecting industries. It outlines a traditional conservation narrative and two streams of an emerging counter‐narrative, and discusses problems and prospects for each in contemporary Costa Rica. The use of narrative and counter‐narrative follows Roe (1991, 1995), Fairhead and Leach (1995), and Leach and Mearns (1996). The article focuses particularly on the ways in which the narratives are increasingly drawing on, informing, and sometimes conflicting with one another; it is based on the author's research undertaken in various protected areas in Costa Rica since 1994 and on research published by others.

CONTENT: A family tree showing the genealogy of the Fulton and Tappan families. BIOGRAPHICAL HISTORY: J.B. Tappan (1858-1933) was among Arizona's early sheep ranchers and was the first president of the Arizona Wool Grower's Association, headquartered in Flagstaff. In 1898 he patented land, bought and leased from the government, and established the Santa Maria and Alamo Ranches; however, he lost water rights to his ranch in 1915, and much of the land became worthless for ranching. The area is now Alamo State Park. Tappan's wife, Laura Gordon Fulton (1849-1933), was from a prominent Baltimore, Maryland family. At age 37, she was 'allowed' by her family to travel West to teach kindergarten. In 1886 she established the first kindergarten in the West at Flagstaff. The Tappan's only child, Edith, was born in Flagstaff in 1891. Left a widow with three children at the age of 24, she moved to Phoenix and ran a successful citrus-cotton ranch. She died in Phoenix in 1943.

Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC) communities have a disproportionally high prevalence of COVID-19 and, subsequently, a higher mortality rate. Many of the root causes, such as structural racism and the social determinants of health, account for an increased number of preexisting conditions that influence risk for poor outcomes from COVID-19 as well as other disparities in BIPOC communities. In this article we address Structural Factors that Contribute to Disparities, such as economics; access to healthcare; environment and housing concerns; occupational risks; policing and carceral systems effects; and diet and nutrition. Further, we outline strategies for nurses to address racism (the ultimate underlying condition) and the social and economic determinants of health that impact BIPOC communities.

AbstractIn this article, we examine the response of three indigenous communities in western Suriname to the proposed establishment of a protected area on their traditional lands. In particular, we focus on how the transnational, national and sub‐national networks associated with indigenous rights and protected areas influenced the decision the communities made to reject the protected area. Central to the analysis are the concepts of scale, networks and information; we explore how a national indigenous rights organization used scale and networks to relay information strategically and empower communities in their decision‐making. However, while scale was an empowering political tool, it has also served to disempower indigenous peoples in Suriname through the continuing importance of the state in protected area implementation and legal claims to lands and resources.