Suchergebnisse

La obesidad tiene un impacto adverso no solo en la salud, sino también en el mercado de trabajo. Con base en información antropométrica y el índice de masa corporal (IMC), analizamos los efectos de la obesidad sobre el empleo y los salarios de los mexicanos entre los 20 y 60 años. Se utilizó el IMC de los hijos como variable instrumental para el IMC de sus padres. Los resultados muestran que para los hombres el IMC no afecta a estas variables. Para las mujeres, un incremento en una desviación estándar en el IMC está asociado con una pérdida del 16% en los salarios por hora. Estos hallazgos son robustos a distintas especificaciones.

Abstract

Abstract
This paper analyzes the self-selection patterns among Mexican return migrants during the period 1990–2010. To calculate the selection patterns, we nonparametrically estimate the counterfactual wages that the return migrants would have experienced had they never migrated by using the wage structure of stayers. We find evidence that the selection patterns in observable skills change over time from positive selection in 1990 toward negative selection in 2010. Additionally, we observe that the wages of return migrants are larger than those that the migrants would have obtained had they not migrated.


JEL Codes
F22, J01, J61, O54

A lo largo del texto se analiza el impacto del sector automotriz en el desarrollo regional del Bajío mexicano. Se usó la metodología de control sintético con adopción escalonada teniendo en cuenta el establecimiento de nuevas armadoras automotrices en las entidades federativas de la región del Bajío entre 2007 y 2014. Se calcula que, por cada nuevo empleo al interior de las automotrices, se originaron en promedio cinco empleos adicionales en los estados del Bajío, de los cuales 78% se produjeron fuera del sector manufacturero. Adicionalmente, al promoverse mayores oportunidades económicas se redujo la pobreza laboral en un promedio de 10.5 puntos porcentua‑les. Finalmente, se encontró evidencia de que, en 2018, aumentó la matrícula de media superior en 3%.

ObjectiveEvidence suggests that voters' prejudices may lead them to take information shortcuts in choosing political leaders. This study analyzes whether the skin tone of 12,798 candidates influenced the outcome of their electoral campaigns.MethodsTo determine the probability of winning an election, we estimate a linear regression where skin tone is used as an explanatory variable, with controls such as sex and political party. Based on the number of votes obtained by each candidate, we estimate an ordered logit model.ResultsCandidates with dark brown skin tones face a probability of winning that is 20–38 percent less than those with intermediate skin color. A one standard deviation increase in skin tone is associated with an 8 percent decrease in the probability of finishing in first place.ConclusionSkin color influences electoral outcomes. Public policies should therefore ensure equal access and true representativeness.

Este trabajo estudia movilidad social por género a nivel regional y en las entidades federativas de México. Se utilizan dos encuestas diseñadas para medir la movilidad social en México, el Módulo de Movilidad Social Intergeneracional 2016 y la Encuesta ESRU de Movilidad Social en México 2017. Se construye un índice de estatus socioeconómico en el hogar actual (hijos) y en el hogar de origen (padres) con base en preguntas retrospectivas cuando la o el respondente tenían 14 años. Por medio de una regresión rango-rango, se encuentra que a nivel nacional las mujeres tienen menor persistencia intergeneracional y menor movilidad social esperada que los hombres. A nivel regional y por entidad federativa esos resultados no son tan claros estadísticamente. En la parte baja de la distribución socioeconómica, la movilidad esperada es aproximadamente la misma entre entidades; sin embargo, en la parte alta se observa que los hombres tienen una mayor movilidad social esperada que las mujeres en 13 entidades federativas.

Abstract
The benefits of place-based policies are still under debate. In this study, we analyze what is probably one of the boldest interventions in the recent history of Mexico and the rest of the world: the Northern Border Free Zone (NBFZ). Launched in January 2019, this program doubles the minimum wage and substantially lowers taxes in 43 municipalities along the border with the United States, aiming to improve living standards for low-wage workers and foster economic activity within the region. Given the unique features of the NBFZ, we estimate its short-run effects on labor outcomes: employment, wages, and formality. Our primary identification strategy follows a synthetic control method employing monthly administrative data at the municipality level for the period 2015–2019. Using administrative data for formal employment, we find that the policy substantially increased labor income in the NBFZ by approximately 9% over the control municipalities. The results for employment are less clear. Formal employment showed 1.6% less growth in the NBFZ than in the control municipalities, but the estimate is imprecise and we cannot reject a null impact of the program on employment. These results are robust to alternative control groups, including metropolitan areas in the United States. We also use the labor force survey to estimate the effects on formality at the individual level and find results closer to a null effect. These two results suggest that the NBFZ did not substantially affect employment, and the intersection of confidence intervals for the two estimates implies a maximum loss of employment of approximately 24,000 jobs.

This study estimates the income of individuals in the top part of the income distribution in Mexico since 1992. Mexico is the only Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development country that does not report publicly income from fiscal sources. To circumvent this problem, we use income information from household surveys but adjust the misrepresentation of top earners using national accounts data. We then estimate incomes of the very rich using interpolations based on a Pareto distribution. Once we correct for the misrepresentation of top earners in the survey, we find that the income share of the top decile has increased in the last two decades. Our findings contradict the conclusion that is usually obtained solely from household survey information. We also find that the income share of top‐1% earners in Mexico is close to 25%, making Mexico one of the countries where the rich take the largest share of total income. Moreover, we find that inequality among the rich in Mexico is larger than in most countries where information is available.

In Mexico, as in most Latin American countries with indigenous populations, it is commonly believed that European phenotypes are preferred to mestizo or indigenous phenotypes. However, it is hard to test for such racial biases in the labor market using official statistics since race can only be inferred from native language. The experiment consisted on sending fictitious curriculums responding to job advertisements with randomized information of the applicants. The resumes included photographs representing three distinct phenotypes: Caucasian, mestizo, and indigenous. We find that indigenous looking females are discriminated against, but the effect is not present for males.