Suchergebnisse

The authors add Argentine data from the last two presidential elections (1995 & 1999) to the literature on economic voting, which is almost exclusively from long-established & consolidated democracies. Based on in-person survey samples from the greater Buenos Aires area (33% of the national electorate) & via logistic regressions, the analysis explores the influence on the vote of four variables: class, ideology, economic evaluations, & partisanship. Following a model proposed by Lewis-Beck & Nadeau (2000) to study the French voter, it is concluded that economic evaluations do matter, but their relative importance is contingent upon elections. 4 Tables, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

In 1930 the first successful military coup in Argentina in the twentieth century interrupted the normal functioning of the political and electoral institutions consolidated by the Sáenz Peña Law of 1912. This statute required secret balloting by all Argentine men eighteen and older. The coup of 1930, followed by a failed attempt to achieve legitimatization at the ballot box in 1931, reversed the development of electoral politics in Argentina by reverting to open fraud and provoking the abstention of the main national political party up to that time, the Unión Cívica Radical (UCR).

In March 1973, for the first time since the military coup of 1966, a presidential election was held in Argentina. It also was the first time since 1955 that Peronist parties were allowed to present candidates in every province. The present note originated in an initiative by Darío Canton to collect occupational and electoral data from polling places in several Argentine cities. He had the cooperation of Beba Balvé and Lucía Osvaldo of the Centro de Investigaciones en Ciencias Sociales, Buenos Aires. The three were responsible for gathering data in Buenos Aires (Canton), Rosario (Balvé), and La Matanza (Osvaldo). Subsequently, collaboration with researchers Jorge R. Jorrat and Héctor Caldelari from interior provinces made it possible to include comparisons with data from Córdoba and Tucumán. The analysis of the data and, ultimately, this note are the sole responsibility of the two authors whose names appear above.