The concept of fontes has shown its ever decreasing suitability to reflect the richness and complexity of humanistic literature. In the fontes printed as footnotes is reflected, mechanically and almost physically, the idea of a subaltern and gregarious modernity with regard to classical thought. This article presents a different approach to the study of the humanistic text, based on the identification of cultural genealogies which display all the elements of doctrine that make up a written work at various levels. The work examined is the De republica by Lauro Quirini, a fifteenth-century political treatise in which the author consciously inserts elements of the political thought of the Latin, classical and medieval traditions to an Aristotelian base, adapting such an ensemble to the ideological circumstances of his era.
With its rhetorical impetus, with its allure of singing for freedom, the brilliant and successful Discours de la servitude volontaire by Étienne de la Boétie (XVIth century) has fascinated several generations of intellectuals, to the point of becoming, bon gré mal gré, the perfect alibi for justifying a system such as the political liberalism of our time–it doesn't matter if "progressive" or reactionary–, which is presented as "democratic", whereas, as a matter of fact, it is grounded on the prevailance of political and economic elites that control an indistinct and diffuse 'middle class' that increasingly resembles the dangerous "populace" evoked in the pamphlet. This essay seeks to review the critical literature on De la Boétie's work by proposing an interpretation that links it to the previous political doctrine and, at the same time, to the historical climate of the contemporary French Monarchy. The contradictions of the text are thus highlighted: while it seems to defend the ideas of individual freedom and political equality, it conceals reasons –of deep oligarchic roots– that point to the defence of class and distrust towards the nascent modern State, based on popular consensus and centralized bureaucracy, and represented, using Gramsci's terms, by the French Monarchy in the process of definitive consolidation and affirmation. ; Con su ímpetu retórico, con su aroma a canto por la libertad, el brillante y exitoso Discours de la servitude volontaire de Étienne de la Boétie (s. XVI) ha fascinado a varias generaciones de intelectuales, hasta convertirse, bon gré mal gré, en la coartada perfecta para justificar un sistema como el liberalismo político de nuestra época –no importa si "progresista" o reaccionario–, que se presenta como "democrático", pero que en realidad reposa en el dominio de unas elites políticas y económicas que controlan a una indistinta y difusa "clase media" que cada vez se parece más al peligroso "populacho" evocado en el panfleto. Este ensayo busca revisar la literatura crítica sobre la obra proponiendo una lectura que la vincula a la doctrina política anterior y, al mismo tiempo, al clima histórico de la Monarquía francesa contemporánea. Por ahí, aparecen las contradicciones de un texto que, mientras parece defender las instancias de la libertad individual y la igualdad política, oculta razones, de honda raigambre oligárquica, que apuntan a la defensa de clase y a la desconfianza hacia el naciente Estado moderno, basado en el consenso popular y en la burocracia centralizada, y representado, gramscianamente, por la Monarquía francesa en vías de definitiva consolidación y afirmación.
Il saggio propone un nuovo approccio interpretativo alla questione del rapporto di Machiavelli con il pensiero politico umanistico quattrocentesco. Partendo da un'analisi terminologica e concettuale, si confrontano i rispettivi atteggiamenti di fronte ad alcuni dei noodi fondamentali del linguaggio e del pensiero politico dell'epoca, in primo luogo la nozione di corpus politicum, che nell'autore orentino assume un signicato radicalmente diverso da quello tradizionale. Il risultato è che se l'umanesimo crea un modello di riferimento per l'azione politica in senso generale, Machiavelli propone invece un'analisi del contingente che tenga conto del mutare continuo delle condizioni politiche e sociali
Il saggio propone un nuovo approccio interpretativo alla questione del rapporto di Machiavelli con il pensiero politico umanistico quattrocentesco. Partendo da un'analisi terminologica e concettuale, si confrontano i rispettivi atteggiamenti di fronte ad alcuni dei noodi fondamentali del linguaggio e del pensiero politico dell'epoca, in primo luogo la nozione di corpus politicum, che nell'autore fiorentino assume un significato radicalmente diverso da quello tradizionale. Il risultato è che se l'umanesimo crea un modello di riferimento per l'azione politica in senso generale, Machiavelli propone invece un'analisi del contingente che tenga conto del mutare continuo delle condizioni politiche e sociali. ; This paper proposes a new interpretive approach to the question of Machiavelli's relationship with the 15th-century humanist political thinking. On the basis of a terminological and conceptual analysis, the author compares their corresponding attitudes towards some of the fundamental nodes of the language and the political thinking of the time -such as the concept of corpus politicum, in the first place, which takes on a meaning in the Florentine author that is radically different from the traditional one. As a result, whereas Humanism creates a framework for political action in a general sense, Machiavelli proposes instead an analysis of the contingent situation which takes into account the continuous change of the political and social conditions.
Political Humanism, of which Pontano's De obedientia (1470) is one of the reference texts, possessed the rational and technical elements to outline the features of the Absolutist State with a refined theoretical apparatus. But it also had a secular and humanistic dimension that is lost in the subsequent developments of political theory, marked by the Reason of State and the return of the great military and ecclesiastical aristocracies. The main doctrinal axis on which hinges political humanism is the concept of organicism, namely the representation of society as an organic body inside which every member performs a specific function and the king is its visible representative, a reflection of the unitas that should be the basis for all social and political structure. In De obedientia's fourth book, Pontano argues in favor of monarchy as the form of government that most closely meets the needs and issues of an organicist society and he outlines the features of the monarchical state. For this purpose, he uses the classical and medieval doctrine (mostly legal) to define the concept of obedience, and thus building it around the concepts of liberalitas and fides, and then loyalty to the sovereign and to the homeland, which is a real focal point in the construction of the new humanistic state. Finally, it tackles the problem of disobedience and rebellion, especially with reference to the great feudal lords.
This paper examines the role and the function of humanist intellectuals and their relationship with political power in the context of fifteenth-century Italy; it focuses on the use of certain fundamental tópoi and concepts in the texts of theoretical and political tradition. ; Il saggio esamina il ruolo e la funzione degli intellettuali umanisti e i loro rapporti con il potere politico nel contesto dell'Italia del Quattrocento, analizzando l'uso di alcuni tópoi e concetti fondamentali a partire dai testi della tradizione teorico-politica. ; Il saggio esamina il ruolo e la funzione degli intellettuali umanisti e i loro rapporti con il potere politico nel contesto dell'Italia del Quattrocento, analizzando l'uso di alcuni tópoi e concetti fondamentali a partire dai testi della tradizione teorico-politica.
With its rhetorical impetus, with its allure of singing for freedom, the brilliant and successful Discours de la servitude volontaire by Étienne de la Boétie (XVIth century) has fascinated several generations of intellectuals, to the point of becoming, bon gré mal gré, the perfect alibi for justifying a system such as the political liberalism of our time–it doesn't matter if "progressive" or reactionary–, which is presented as "democratic", whereas, as a matter of fact, it is grounded on the prevailance of political and economic elites that control an indistinct and diffuse 'middle class' that increasingly resembles the dangerous "populace" evoked in the pamphlet. This essay seeks to review the critical literature on De la Boétie's work by proposing an interpretation that links it to the previous political doctrine and, at the same time, to the historical climate of the contemporary French Monarchy. The contradictions of the text are thus highlighted: while it seems to defend the ideas of individual freedom and political equality, it conceals reasons –of deep oligarchic roots– that point to the defence of class and distrust towards the nascent modern State, based on popular consensus and centralized bureaucracy, and represented, using Gramsci's terms, by the French Monarchy in the process of definitive consolidation and affirmation.
Il saggio cerca di mettere in luce i nodi centrali che percorrono i canti di Malebolge. L'analisi individua nell'idea di inversione l'ossatura concettuale del cerchio ottavo e si cimenta con le nozioni di corpo – corpo personale, ma anche corpus politico e testuale – e di animalità, come elementi centrali per la comprensione di Malebolge, giungendo a suggerire un'ipotesi per l'interpretazione dell'idea di matta bestialità.
Se puede atribuir significado y valor al pasado considerándolo como un depósito de valores que ya no estimamos nuestros, de problemas sobre los cuales no nos interrogamos ya. Desde esta perspectiva, por consiguiente, el estudioso de la historia intelectual actuará como una especie de arqueólogo, sacando a la superficie los tesoros intelectuales sepultados, quitándoles la capa de polvo y permitiéndonos reconsiderar lo que pensamos de ellos
(…)Se puede atribuir significado y valor al pasado considerándolo como un depósito de valores que ya no estimamos nuestros, de problemas sobre los cuales no nos interrogamos ya. Desde esta perspectiva, por consiguiente, el estudioso de la historia intelectual actuará como una especie de arqueólogo, sacando a la superficie los tesoros intelectuales sepultados, quitándoles la capa de polvo y permitiéndonos reconsiderar lo que pensamos de ellos (…)
The Emergency of Spain on the italian political scene between 15th. aid 16th. Century modified how the italian scholarship perceived spanish culture and civilization. Throughout the works of Oiovanni Pontano, Tristano Caracciolo, and Antonio Galateo, one can observe the trouble for the increasing power and domination of Spain in Europe
