Suchergebnisse

In France, the referendums held on September 20, 1992 on the ratification of the Treaty of Maastricht and on May 29, 2005 on the EU Constitution, were two fundamental moments in the history of Europe's process of integration. These two referendums shed a clear light on the tensions and divisions within the French Socialist Party (PS), which had begun to show cracks in the early Eighties when the Mauroy government adopted policies designed to ensure that France would remain in the European Monetary System (EMS), thus accepting the constraints of participating in the process of European integration. The divisions reemerged in February 1984 at the time of the European Parliament's vote on the Spinelli Project, French socialists opting for abstention. When President Mitterrand announced a referendum on the Maastricht Treaty, the Socialist Party's Bordeaux Congress of July 1992 plumped for "Yes". Jean-Pierre Chevènement, however, came in on the "No" side, founding the Mouvement des Citoyens (MDC) presided by Max Gallo. The MDC was still a faction of the PS, from which it separated in April 1993 to become an autonomous political party in December of the same year. Then there was the referendum on the European Constitutional Treaty. The Socialist Party had polled its members, a majority of whom were in favour of ratification. Nevertheless, it should be noted that a number of prominent party figures announced their opposition during the national referendum campaign, including Laurent Fabius, Marc Dolez, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, Henri Emmanuelli. For his part, Chevènement was also against ratifying the EU Constitution. En France, les référendums sur la ratification du Traité de Maastricht et du Traité constitutionnel, qui se sont respectivement déroulés le 20 septembre 1992 et le 29 mai 2005, furent des événements décisifs pour l'histoire de la construction européenne et de division pour la sphère socialiste française, mettant en évidence les fractures au sein du Parti socialiste (PS) sur la nature du processus d'intégration européenne, sur le plan économique, social et institutionnel. Ces divisions étaient en partie déjà apparues en mars 1983, sur la politique économique adoptée par le gouvernement Mauroy pour garantir la permanence de la France dans le Système monétaire européen. Les socialistes français se divisèrent, en outre, sur le Projet Spinelli, en optant pour l'abstention à l'occasion du vote au Parlement européen en février 1984. En 1992, après le choix de François Mitterrand d'organiser un référendum sur la ratification du Traité de Maastricht, et après les résultats du Congrès de Bordeaux, où le PS se prononça en faveur du « oui » au référendum, Jean-Pierre Chevènement quitta la Direction du parti pour s'engager dans la campagne en faveur du « non » et fonder le Mouvement des Citoyens (MDC), avec Max Gallo à la présidence. Le MDC constituait encore une composante du PS, dont il se sépara en avril 1993 pour se transformer en un parti en décembre de la même année. Puis, il y eut le référendum sur le Traité constitutionnel européen. Le PS organisa, entre ses membres, le 1er décembre 2004, un référendum sur le Traité qui vit prévaloir le « oui » à la ratification, mais des dirigeants socialistes importants, comme Laurent Fabius, Marc Dolez, Jean-Luc Mélenchon et Henri Emmanuelli, soutinrent le « non », pendant la campagne pour le référendum national. En dehors du PS, Chevènement fit – lui aussi - campagne en faveur du « non ».

This contribution aims at introducing this special issue collected papers from a critical point of view and analizyng their speech. This article focus is the "fear" factor in political and international relations, specifically the role that fear played in the development of the European idea before, during and after the Second World War. It intends to present the path the concept of fear has taken during Europe's process of regional integration over the last century, viewed from the broader perspective of international relations and globalization. From this debate, in accordance with the submitted articles, is possible provide a grasp of the extent to which fear has played an active, and often decisive, role in recent European history, where it continues in both the long and the short term to exert a two-fold and conflicting influence: as a force that unites and as a force that divides.

Enzo Giacchero (1912-2000) ha partecipato alla Resistenza, è stato prefetto della Liberazione, membro dell'Assemblea costituente per la Democrazia cristiana, pioniere dell'europeismo, membro dell'Alta Autorità della CECA, segretario generale di Italia '61, imprenditore. In seguito ha militato in formazioni di destra e, in particolare, è stato presidente di Democrazia Nazionale.

Abstract
European Movement International (EM) was founded in October 1948 after the Hague Congress held in May to coordinate the initiatives of the major European movements and political forces in favour of the unification of the Old Continent.
The aim of this essay is to analyse EM's stance in defence of the Community institutions established under the Treaties of Paris (1951) and Rome (1957), in the face of the so-called "empty chair crisis". This crisis between the French government and the other Community partners was triggered by proposals made in March 1965 by the Commission of the European Economic Community, chaired by Walter Hallstein, which established a direct relationship between the renewal of the financial regulation of the Common Agricultural Policy, the shift towards a system of "own resources" (from agricultural levies and customs duties) and the strengthening of the European Parliament's powers.

European Movement International (EM) was founded in October 1948 after the Hague Congress held in May to coordinate the initiatives of the major European movements and political forces in favour of the unification of the Old Continent. The aim of this essay is to analyse EM's stance in defence of the Community institutions established under the Treaties of Paris (1951) and Rome (1957), in the face of the so-called "empty chair crisis". This crisis between the French government and the other Community partners was triggered by proposals made in March 1965 by the Commission of the European Economic Community, chaired by Walter Hallstein, which established a direct relationship between the renewal of the financial regulation of the Common Agricultural Policy, the shift towards a system of "own resources" (from agricultural levies and customs duties) and the strengthening of the European Parliament's powers.

The chapter deals with the views expressed on the issue of institutional reforms of the European Community / European Union by the two main political groups at the European Parliament (EP), the European People's Party and the European Socialists, from the first direct elections of the EP to the entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam. Debates could revolve around the prospect of a more integrated (even federal) Europe, as much as provide criticism towards an increase in the European institutions' competences. The phase we cover is of great interest because it extends over four legislations, in a period of intense transformations and initiatives, in which the Socialist Group gradually evolves towards a larger cohesion on institutional issues, partly overcoming the initial attitude by some eurocritics in the French, Dutch, Greek socialist parties, among the Danish Social Democrats and, to a lesser extent, in the British Labour Party. The European People's Party, instead, whose core is made up of the tradition of the Christian Democratic parties, tends to fade the original European Federalist attitude, while leaning towards a political strategy of enlarging the parliamentary groups to the Conservative parties, in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The language of the political debate thus changes accordingly